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The Beijing Consensus: How China s Authoritarian Model Will Dominate the Twenty-First Century Hardcover – April 6, 2010

4.1 4.1 out of 5 stars 28 ratings

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Beijing presents a clear and gathering threat to Washington—but not for the reasons you think. China's challenge to the West stems from its transformative brand of capitalism and an entirely different conception of the international community.

Taking us on a whirlwind tour of China in the world—from dictators in Africa to oligarchs in Southeast Asia to South American strongmen—Halper demonstrates that China's illiberal vision is rapidly replacing that of the so-called Washington Consensus. Instead of promoting democracy through economic aid, as does the West, China offers no-strings-attached gifts and loans, a policy designed to build a new Beijing Consensus.

The autonomy China offers, together with the appeal of its illiberal capitalism, have become the dual engines for the diffusion of power away from the West. The Beijing Consensus is the one book to read to understand this new Great Game in all its complexity.


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Editorial Reviews

From Publishers Weekly

Halper cogently rejects the conventional wisdom that suggests America's relationship with China is on track in this lucid, probing text. Moving beyond approaches to China that focus on its burgeoning economic dominance, the book—in the vein of Martin Jacques's recent When China Rules the World—underscores the political and cultural challenge that a rising China presents. Halper (coauthor of America Alone), a fellow at the University of Cambridge, contends that there is little possibility of a genuine partnership between China and the U.S.; continued growth will not lead China's political system to become any more free or open, and its brand of authoritarian capitalism will compete with the West's democratic ideal as a possible model for the developing world. Though his position may seem pessimistic, the author does believe that China's concern with its prestige in the world gives the United States leverage in its attempt to shape the geopolitics, and he concludes this sobering, excellently argued book with a series of concrete policy recommendations to that end. (Apr.)
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

From Booklist

Halper’s contribution to the current torrent of tomes about China’s foreign policy asserts that D.C. wonks misunderstand the subject. Whether military alarmists or free-trade optimists, the Beltway cognoscenti (among whom Halper can be counted as an associate of the Nixon Center) misconstrue the aims and motivations of Chinese leaders. They are not likely to invade Taiwan, nor will they democratize, as hoped by proponents of liberal capitalism. Halper instead maintains that China’s international intentions are inimical to liberal values as it diligently seeks to supplant Western influence in the developing world. Spared lectures about human rights and rule of law, despots are delighted with the offer of an alternative to the Western international order. Labeling China’s foreign policy as authoritarian capitalism, Halper diagnoses it as rooted in obtaining access to natural resources, in turn an outgrowth of the Communist Party’s reliance on economic growth for popular acquiescence to its rule. To students and general-interest readers, Halper’s perspective and advice to American policy makers is a clearly conceived, jargon-free appreciation of China as ideological rival as well as commercial partner. --Gilbert Taylor

Product details

  • Publisher ‏ : ‎ Basic Books; 1st edition (April 6, 2010)
  • Language ‏ : ‎ English
  • Hardcover ‏ : ‎ 312 pages
  • ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0465013619
  • ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0465013616
  • Reading age ‏ : ‎ 13 years and up
  • Grade level ‏ : ‎ 11 and up
  • Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 1.85 pounds
  • Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 6.25 x 1.25 x 9.75 inches
  • Customer Reviews:
    4.1 4.1 out of 5 stars 28 ratings

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Customer reviews

4.1 out of 5 stars
28 global ratings

Top reviews from the United States

Reviewed in the United States on July 19, 2010
I travel frequently throughout the Mid and Far East. For several years I've commented to friends that it's scary to see their wealth and rate of growth. And that I was concerned that I rarely saw evidence of US firms doing any of the massive infrastructure work.

After reading I have a much better understanding of why over the last few years the US influence seems to be dramatically declining. Every day when I read the Financial Times I see articles that report on the advances of the China Consensus exactly as noted in the book.
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Reviewed in the United States on February 29, 2024
This is an excellent book about how China has become the second largest economy on the planet. It goes over the evolution of China from a strict Maoist communist country to one that is a state controlled capitalistic country. The ins and outs of how the Chinese government has pulled China from a poor rural country to an industrial powerhouse is detailed. Equally important is how the U.S.A and Europe have failed to keep up with the financial realities that China and other new economic powers such as India have imposed on the world.

I give one star off because the book is now 14 years old and many of the scenarios in it are dated. Most of the time the various forces at work in the financial world are the same so this is not a major defect.
I also demerit the book because the author could give more insight into many of the facts he presents. For example, the author does not mention food in the book. China's food self sufficiency score is now 0.7, which means that it has a food deficit of 30%. This means that it has to buy 30% of its food to feed its people. This means it must have cash to buy the food. This means that China must keep selling items every year to buy food. This means that Chinese goods will never improve, in fact, we can expect the quality to go down as the population of China increases. This means that more and more of U.S. dollars will be leaving the U.S. and going to China. A little summary as I just gave would have made this book much more interesting and informative.

A great book to get a basis of what China is about and how they achieved the Chinese miracle economically.
Reviewed in the United States on January 17, 2013
good services, i like to do more business with the vendor, products work just fine and no problem at all.
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Reviewed in the United States on February 15, 2011
The author seems to set assignments for Obama to tackle China. The book is written entirely from the perspective of an American, so it can be somewhat biased (though apparently trying to be objective). Why should the rise of China be a challenge for the U.S.? Why isn't it an opportunity for it? This mindset is rather unconstructive. I think a Chinese reader will find it hard to swallow seeing the author laying down the dos and donts for the West to maneuvre China. It seems he wants a new "Cold War" be started.
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Reviewed in the United States on August 23, 2010
After the global financial crisis between 2008 and 2009, I have greatly interested in the theme: what will be the consequences of the crisis in world economic order? It is because the crisis damaged the belief of the superiority of the market-based model which US has long preached as only one path to prosperity since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1990. Moreover, the crisis also raised fundamental questions that the US can lead the world economy in a sustainable manner by providing the rest of the world with markets for exports, source of very reliable financing through most sophiscated financial markets. If the US cannot be a absolute leading economy, then it is the obvious question: where to? China has been seen a good alternative to the US by many investors, businessmen, and policy makers around the world.

This book along with other books such as 'End of Free Market', 'End of Influence', and 'Losing Control', gave a lot of information on China (and other big emerging countries), the next economic giant which will compete the US in the remaining years of 21st century. At a still poor country status, China may not be a ideal democratic country. It is also busy with keeping current regime stable so that it cannot but focus on the economic growth to keep down the pressure from the bottom. As long as it can sustain the hyper economc growth, the current model may work. However, it is not always sustainable in the long-run.

In my view, China will try to establish the sustainable way of managing its power without introducing free and democratic system through i) building links with other BRICs, African countries, and other resource-rich countries, ii) globalization of its currency through bilateral channels using its huge foreign reserve and trade channels, iii) separate security networks with those countries which start from US un-friendly countries (socialist regime countries, arab countries) and move to those countries with weaker economic linkage with the US after the glboal financial crisis. The second group of countries are not clear yet but it will soon appear when China's influence is strengthened.

The problem in setting new global economic order is that although the US is still playing the leading role in various global agenda such as climate change, financial reform it is not always producing tangible results. The last Copenhagen summit almost failed to show committments from the participating countires, the bank levy as one of global banking rules is also hard to get consensus from G20 countries. Moreover, we have yet seen the alternative multilateral forum to fully include China as well as other BRICs. G20 might be one but it is only in infancy and it is hardly expected to produce consensus for sensitive matters among the member countries. In retrospect, when Greek fiscal crisis alerted the global economy, the G20 should have been more active. It should have not let EU handle the issue. As many prominent people lamented during the early period, the EU's action was too slow to deal with the crisis situation unlike the US dealt with the crisis. This mistake would delay significantly the recovery of world economy and questioned the capability of policy makers in Europe and US.

In conclusion, in a connected world by rapid globalization over the half decade, Chinese actions could limit the US's action and vice versa. It is intersting to see how US and China will compete and cooperate in the 21st century and its implications to other countries in the World.
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Top reviews from other countries

Audrey Koo
5.0 out of 5 stars Five Stars
Reviewed in Canada on June 18, 2018
Excellent !
Tony Buckley
5.0 out of 5 stars A New approach calls for new thinking on China
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on August 4, 2011
The Beijing Consensus

In this book, published in February 2010, Stefan Halper utilises considerable research together with much learning based on his direct contact with influential and knowledgeable participants in the ongoing China-Western (though largely USA) relationships from Kissinger and his team onwards.
In detailed and analytical descriptions he shows the nature of the Chinese influence in the modern world and how it has developed. This is contrasted with the developing nature of the" Washington
Consensus" together with some useful historical recapitulation of the underlying ideas of Keynes and Friedman. The underlying thesis that these ideas have proved less useful in the 21st Century is explored - and one might say, have been demonstrated even more forcefully in the months since the book's publication (as also has the "European Consensus" - which is not specifically mentioned in the USA-centric work).
In developing this work, Halper delves into the nature of Chinese influence and shows very clearly how its policy of Economic freedom with political control both serves the Chinese state and appeals to developing countries and regions much more than do ideas of total political freedom; this is further illustrated with examples of how the "Structural Adjustment Programs" of the West (eg IMF, World Bank) have failed to achieve their desired ends in many cases. Examples of the direction that the world is moving are supported by such statistics as "the largest 13 oil companies in the world are now owned and run by Governments.." including Brazil, Malaysia, Iran, etc.
He argues that understanding and developing relations with China needs a new approach and new ways of thinking. This requires more understanding of the mechanisms at work within China, and a willingness to accept not only that the Western model is not working, but that, viewed from the East, "democracy" begins to look like a series of short term governments with necessarily limited power, critical media, and "raucous legislatures" and the "cacophony of the public square". [aptly demonstrated more recently perhaps in the July/August budget deliberations of the US legislature]
The new conversations are not, however about "winning" or "losing"; they involve a more realistic appreciation of the issues and pressures. In conclusion, Halper shows how Chinese government is inward-focussed; its major fear is internal disruption and chaos; this, much more than external relationships drive it - the latter more concerned with securing resources than with outright power. The Communist party, he argues is trapped into its need to continue delivering growth to an increasingly ambitious and articulate middle class, without increasing the poverty gap or disadvantaging minorities.
However, in the year since publication there have been even more developments - not only in the inadequacy of the Western models but also more internal challenges to the Chinese government and Party.
This is a excellent addition to recent literature about China in all its aspects, with some fascinating and interesting insights into relationships (internal and external) that do not fall into neat categories or yield much to old adversarial ways of thinking.
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Chola
4.0 out of 5 stars A fine assessment of the Chinese question
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on December 24, 2010
A week never passes without hearing something about China's rising dominance. The eastern dragon is beginning to dominate international economic and political relations, and with that exposure comes greater global scrutiny. Everyone has an opinion about China's place in the world. Is China colonising Africa? Will it initiate global disorder, like empires before it? Will the dragon implode and vanish causing wider global insecurity? These questions reflect not only the fear of change but also points to the fact that the rest of the world does not really understand China nor are we able to come up with the definitive answers about its future. Faced with such a vacuous knowledge the narrative about China's place has largely been scripted by ignorant and an impatient media with little time to study the difficult questions. This has produced a rather unhelpful black and white juxtaposition. You either for China's rise or against it.

Stefan Halper's The Beijing Consensus marks a refreshing departure by seeking to provide a more nuanced assessment of Beijing's challenge to the global order. Written largely from an American perspective, the central thesis of the book is that although China's emergence on the international stage does pose a serious danger to global order, this is not primarily military. Rather it is a "threat of ideas about how prosperity is attained and the society we want to live in". China is championing a market authoritarianism which it is now exporting across the globe. The Chinese model promises rapid growth, stability and a pursuit of better life for poor countries. Absent from this model are the things many in the west believe provide a foundation for a well ordered society e.g. free speech, freedom of worship, open government and royal political opposition. Such a model, Halper argues, is proving attractive to dictators and partial democracies as they flock to Beijing to learn how they can stay in power in exchange for economic growth. They are literally learning how to exchange growth for a rod of iron.

This development poses a strategic challenge to the West, particularly the USA. It diminishes American global leadership and undermines "western values". As more poor and "middle regional sized powers" embrace relations with China, it is increasingly making the West irrelevant in world affairs. In Halper's words "China is shrinking the West and its values". The process has been accelerated in recent years by the global financial crisis which pushed the world to look towards Beijing. China emerged from the crisis in both substance and tone as the new leader of the global order and that role will become more pronounced in decades to come. The question for western democracies is whether Beijing can be considered a "responsible stakeholder", while its policies continue to enable "systematic repression among its impoverished partners".

If the West is able to confront this challenge, it must first appreciate the nature of the threat and recognise that democratisation of Beijing is not inevitable. To understand China we need to focus on the incentives that are driving its leaders. Halper's analysis therefore adopts "a self interest" approach which helpfully allows us to reach much clearer and logical conclusions. A key observation is that China is not deliberately setting out to diminish the power of the West or its values. It is assuming global economic and political dominance only in response to the incentives facing its leadership as they seek to pacify the masses. The radical pressure from home has forced China's leadership to focus squarely on growth and sacrifice all else on its altar. Unfortunately (or fortunately) the globalisation of information has also made Beijing vulnerable to international pressure (especially from NGOs). This competing tension between domestic and international pressures has led to the emergence of "two Chinas" which co-exist in the international system, a "good neighbour and the rogue state". But far from giving the West greater room for pressure, the duality in China's global presence limits the extent to which the democratic West can steer Beijing to a more positive course. China will continue to rely and aid the global governance structures for its benefit while it simultaneously subverts them for the sake of internal advantages. Beijing will continue to export its market authoritarian model as long it keeps the leaders in power.

Taken together The Beijing Consensus central arguments are difficult to challenge. There's growing evidence throughout sub-Saharan Africa that Beijing's influence is growing. China nowadays produces everything from shoes to space crafts. It exports all things from cars to people. In the last few weeks reports have continued to circulate of Beijing's objection to the UN release of the Darfur report - a position reflecting some of China's less careful dealings in the Sudan. Similarly, earlier this week we saw China's global reach as one of its mining firms in Zambia found itself at a centre of another worker ill treatment saga, after firing gunshots at its employees. What was interesting is that a day later Zambia's Vice President was in Beijing praising the Chinese government and saying absolutely nothing about the incident. The Republican President was about to mumble some concern only to tell his own citizens to keep quiet about such things. Fear of antagonising China looms large among African leaders.

However, the central issue remains whether Beijing really has begun to export its model or whether that is simply a fear that is yet to be realised. It is not clear from the evidence in the book whether Beijing's influence is leading to the replacement of genuine democratic ideas and practice with illiberal democracy in developing nations or whether it is merely preventing the emergence of more democratic states. This distinction is vital and goes to the heart of what the West is purported to have already achieved globally and consequently what Beijing can legitimately be accused of threatening to supplant. The lack of clarity and clear evidence on this matter is a major weakness of Halper's narrative. The question of whether China has made things worse for the Africa is undoubtedly a complex question, but one which is very important. It requires a proper grasp of the "counterfactual" i.e. the world without Beijing. There's need for a deeper country by country assessment of how China has affected day to day outcomes relative to that counterfactual.

Taking Zambia as an example, it is not obvious that we would necessarily be better in terms of democratic outcomes without Chinese influence. Beyond the perverse economic plunder of mineral resources (which is primarily western led), it is difficult to argue that in terms of governance, the 1991 - 2001 period under IMF / World Bank overlord were necessarily better than 2002 - 2010 period under increasingly Chinese control of Zambian interests. Indeed The Beijing Consensus does acknowledge the flaws and inevitable downfall of the American led "Washington Consensus". It therefore begs the question what these "western values" and practices being eroded are. Is it merely American dominance, for better or for worse? For many poor nations there's little difference between a Beijing dominated world and an American one. Similarly, if we looked at the Zambian government's policy it is unclear what the Lusaka government is learning from Beijing. The Beijing model is direct state led involvement in key strategic sectors and stricter requirements on foreign investments (e.g. in the car industry). That is hardly Zambia's approach. Indeed when one extrapolates across other developing nations (e.g. Malawi, DR Congo and Angola) a similar picture emerges. Many of these countries are more liberal than Beijing, and where they are intolerant of democracy, it is because they have always been intolerant - not because Beijing has introduced it.

Globally, one would imagine that the counterfactual would see increasing dominance of America ideas. That raises the question of whether such a model is necessarily better than a duopolistic arrangement at the top, or indeed outright Beijing dominance. Although the USA maintained global stability for half a century, in recent years its activities has kept much of the world poor, some would say deliberately to maintain its dominance. It has done this politically, militarily and often through violent means e.g. the chaos during Zaire's genesis. Its economic policies were disastrous for much of Africa as the IMF and World Bank put the clock back on the continent and set it on a destructive path of perpetual decline. There are many African countries that welcome competition among the "great powers" to allow the best ideas and international governance frameworks to emerge.

Equally surprisingly is Halper's somewhat narrow assessment of Beijing's military dominance. It is certainly the case that Beijing poses no direct military threat to the West but it does appear to be directly challenging western military influence in Africa. After the USA sought to establish Africom a number of nations roundly rejected those advances after pressure from Beijing. A recent academic study noted that China's military-to-military activities in Africa, including defense attache presence, naval ship visits, arms sales and other missions to support military cooperation are expanding to keep pace with China's growing national interests throughout the region. It is well established that the relationship between economic help and military intervention is inseparable. It is illogical to expect nations that invest billions in other nations, not to back up that investment with some guarantee of security. China growing global integration is bound to be accompanied by greater military intervention as it seeks to secure global supply. This is the most worrying aspect of China's reach in developing nations and one slightly underplayed by Halper.

Despite these weaknesses, The Beijing Consensus presents a fine assessment of the Chinese question. It provides a clear analytical approach that focuses on the structural incentives driving Bejing and consequently allows readers to begin considering more clearly what a Beijing dominated world may look like. An exhilarating read and well worth the time! Most recommended.
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