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Big Gods: How Religion Transformed Cooperation and Conflict Paperback – August 25, 2015
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A groundbreaking account of how religion made society possible
How did human societies scale up from tight-knit groups of hunter-gatherers to the large, anonymous, cooperative societies of today―even though anonymity is the enemy of cooperation? How did organized religions with "Big Gods"―the great monotheistic and polytheistic faiths―spread to colonize most minds in the world? In Big Gods, Ara Norenzayan makes the surprising argument that these fundamental puzzles about the origins of civilization answer each other.
Sincere faith in watchful Big Gods unleashed unprecedented cooperation within ever-expanding groups, yet at the same time it introduced a new source of potential conflict between competing groups. And in some parts of the world, societies with atheist majorities―some of the most cooperative and prosperous in the world―have climbed religion's ladder, and then kicked it away.
Big Gods answers fundamental questions about the origins and spread of world religions and helps us understand the rise of cooperative societies without belief in gods.
- Print length264 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherPrinceton University Press
- Publication dateAugust 25, 2015
- Dimensions5.75 x 0.75 x 8.5 inches
- ISBN-100691169748
- ISBN-13978-0691169743
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Editorial Reviews
Review
"I found this book insightful, well-written, and to the point."---Tyler Cowen, Marginal Revolution
"The book is a breakthrough, and will undoubtedly influence scientific perspectives on religion and secularism. . . . Without a doubt, Big Gods is a seminal and outstanding book, rocketing the psychological and evolutionary understanding of faith and secularization to new heights and new questions. I strongly recommend it to anyone interested in human evolution, psychology, and the scientific study of religion."---Michael Blume, Evolution: This View of Life
"Once in a while, a whole field of research is pushed forward by a seminal work. Ara Norenzayan's Big Gods: How Religion Transformed Cooperation and Conflict is one of those rare books bound to becoming a classic for a generation of colleagues and students."---Michael Blume, SciLogs
"This is an impressive work; it demonstrates how and why the Big Gods are still with us, and watching." ― Reference & Research Book News
"I recommend it to readers interested in the relationships between religions, the non-religious, and nation states. It should be required reading for psychologists and sociologists."---John Harney, Magonia
"[T]his book is great value for the money: it provides energy, intriguing ideas and a joyous display of a fine mind, one that swoops and soars and frequently stops to preen, like some brightly coloured bird in an Edenic rainforest."---Donald Harman Akenson, Literary Review of Canada
"Norenzayan weaves in one convincing scientific study after another, leaving me (as a study junkie) highlighting about every page. . . . His thesis is fascinating and well worth a read (or two). Norenzayan is not prescribing a way to end religion or to suggest that one form of thinking over another is better, but to get at the underlying factors that bring a society from big gods to secularity. I'm sure any deeply held convictions about the nature of religion and disbelief will be challenged tremendously by Big Gods, and as any analytical thinker would probably say, why shouldn't they?"---Brandon G. Withrow, Discarded Image
"Ara Norenzayan's study Big Gods is an interesting study worthy to read."---Kristof K.P. Vanhoutte, Metapsychology
"Norenzayan analyzes religion primarily as a mechanism for enforcing social cooperation, a problem for which the evolution of increasingly more powerful gods provides a solution in increasingly large and complex societies. . . . With consistently clear organization and thorough documentation, this book combines explanations for cognitive belief in supernatural entities with social explanations of religion's function, advancing readers' understanding of how the former serves the latter." ― Choice
"Norenzayan's book provides the best collection and dissemination of research regarding religion as a cultural adaptation for prosociality and cooperation among groups. It sets forth an important agenda for research among psychologists, religious scholars and historians."---James A. Van Slyke, Philosophy, Theology, and the Sciences
"Ambitious, comprehensive and well-delivered. . . . Norenzayan presents an empirically grounded, coherent and overall persuasive attempt to solve some of the great puzzles in the social sciences. Drawing from several disciplines, he skillfully describes the interplay between the origins of religion and society, toward the form we know today."---Filip Uzarevic, Religion and Society in Central and Eastern Europe
Review
"Does God make us good? In this fascinating new book, Ara Norenzayan explores how the invention of Big Gods―powerful and omniscient moralizing deities―has transformed the world. Replete with insights about morality, cooperation, faith, atheism, and much more, Big Gods will change the way we think about human nature and human society."―Paul Bloom, author of Just Babies: The Origins of Good and Evil
"Of all the topics forbidden debate in polite company, religion is the last taboo. This brave, lucid, balanced blend of compassion and science tackles our most cherished values and most intractable disputes. Big Gods sheds light on the cultural evolution of sacred watchers who arguably make us better humans. And it opens the door to explain how and when secular institutions can do the same. For all of us who worry about the role of religion in the modern world, this is a must-read, original milestone."―Susan T. Fiske, coauthor of Social Cognition: From Brains to Culture
"In this bold and important work, the brilliant young social scientist Ara Norenzayan offers a profound new perspective on religion and atheism, arguing that some gods were more effective than others at promoting trust and cooperation among strangers. The rich narrative ranges all over the world, covering not only religious people and the difference between big and little gods but also the puzzling durability of widespread prejudice against atheists. Packed with information extending from international social trends to findings from scientific experiments, this deeply thought-provoking book will change the way you understand the connection between religion and social life."―Roy F. Baumeister, coauthor of Willpower: Rediscovering the Greatest Human Strength
"This is by far the most accessible and comprehensive synthesis of the new social and cognitive science of religion. Ara Norenzayan combines ingenious cross-cultural experiments and judicious historical analysis to give an original evolutionary account of the civilization-creating idea of Big Gods. He also provides a compelling exploration of the ongoing global competition for humanity's heart and mind between the monotheisms and various forms of atheism that represent God's secular offspring, including the great ideologies of the modern era and perhaps science itself."―Scott Atran, author of In Gods We Trust: The Evolutionary Landscape of Religion
"In a time of heated debate about the origin and function of religion, Ara Norenzayan provides a much-needed, well-written argument based on extensive research. The data reveal how religion impacts human behavior. His view that an omniscient God is our own creation designed to deal with the problem of freeriders deserves much more attention. It brings faith closer to where Darwin thought it belonged, in the sphere of social life and cooperation."―Frans de Waal, author of The Bonobo and the Atheist
"This is a terrific book. Authoritative, clear, and written in a straightforward, entertaining style, it deals with a problem of great interest to a wide range of general readers and academics, including psychologists, anthropologists, historians, and sociologists."―Robert Boyd, coauthor of Not by Genes Alone: How Culture Transformed Human Evolution
From the Back Cover
"People love origin stories, and this is ours--a fascinating and accessible account of how Big Gods helped us make the leap from hunter-gatherers to gigantic and religiously diverse societies. But this book is not just about the past. Norenzayan gives us a nuanced account of secularism, and offers us some surprising tools we can use to create more ethical organizations and societies going forward."--Jonathan Haidt, author of The Righteous Mind: Why Good People Are Divided by Politics and Religion
"Does God make us good? In this fascinating new book, Ara Norenzayan explores how the invention of Big Gods--powerful and omniscient moralizing deities--has transformed the world. Replete with insights about morality, cooperation, faith, atheism, and much more, Big Gods will change the way we think about human nature and human society."--Paul Bloom, author of Just Babies: The Origins of Good and Evil
"Of all the topics forbidden debate in polite company, religion is the last taboo. This brave, lucid, balanced blend of compassion and science tackles our most cherished values and most intractable disputes. Big Gods sheds light on the cultural evolution of sacred watchers who arguably make us better humans. And it opens the door to explain how and when secular institutions can do the same. For all of us who worry about the role of religion in the modern world, this is a must-read, original milestone."--Susan T. Fiske, coauthor of Social Cognition: From Brains to Culture
"In this bold and important work, the brilliant young social scientist Ara Norenzayan offers a profound new perspective on religion and atheism, arguing that some gods were more effective than others at promoting trust and cooperation among strangers. The rich narrative ranges all over the world, covering not only religious people and the difference between big and little gods but also the puzzling durability of widespread prejudice against atheists. Packed with information extending from international social trends to findings from scientific experiments, this deeply thought-provoking book will change the way you understand the connection between religion and social life."--Roy F. Baumeister, coauthor of Willpower: Rediscovering the Greatest Human Strength
"This is by far the most accessible and comprehensive synthesis of the new social and cognitive science of religion. Ara Norenzayan combines ingenious cross-cultural experiments and judicious historical analysis to give an original evolutionary account of the civilization-creating idea of Big Gods. He also provides a compelling exploration of the ongoing global competition for humanity's heart and mind between the monotheisms and various forms of atheism that represent God's secular offspring, including the great ideologies of the modern era and perhaps science itself."--Scott Atran, author of In Gods We Trust: The Evolutionary Landscape of Religion
"In a time of heated debate about the origin and function of religion, Ara Norenzayan provides a much-needed, well-written argument based on extensive research. The data reveal how religion impacts human behavior. His view that an omniscient God is our own creation designed to deal with the problem of freeriders deserves much more attention. It brings faith closer to where Darwin thought it belonged, in the sphere of social life and cooperation."--Frans de Waal, author of The Bonobo and the Atheist
"This is a terrific book. Authoritative, clear, and written in a straightforward, entertaining style, it deals with a problem of great interest to a wide range of general readers and academics, including psychologists, anthropologists, historians, and sociologists."--Robert Boyd, coauthor of Not by Genes Alone: How Culture Transformed Human Evolution
About the Author
Product details
- Publisher : Princeton University Press; Reprint edition (August 25, 2015)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 264 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0691169748
- ISBN-13 : 978-0691169743
- Item Weight : 12 ounces
- Dimensions : 5.75 x 0.75 x 8.5 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #827,912 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #1,123 in General History of Religion
- #1,244 in Comparative Religion (Books)
- #1,618 in History of Religions
- Customer Reviews:
About the author

Ara Norenzayan is professor of psychology at the University of British Columbia. He is the author of Big Gods: How Religion Transformed Cooperation and Conflict.
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Customers find the book informative and interesting. They describe it as a great read with effective prose. Readers also mention that the subject is subversive and provides insights into religious behavior.
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Customers find the book informative and thought-provoking on religion. They appreciate the deep insights and cognitive studies backing up the many ways humans engage in religious behavior. The book provides an overview of religion from a scientific perspective, with psychological experiments and cognitive studies. Readers describe it as a comprehensive worldview that answers many questions about religious behavior and its frequent self-contradictions.
"...Whether you are a believer or an atheist, this book helps us understand the utility and survival of religion, even in the face of growing scientific..." Read more
"...the authors vision of religion as “a deep, distinct, and comprehensive worldview: it holds that inherent, objective value permeates everything, that..." Read more
"This is an exceptional book that brings together and analyzes a large amount of research on the topic of religion...." Read more
"...a must-read to those interested in religion, historical change, and atheism. This is truly one of the best expositions that I have ever read." Read more
Customers find the book easy to read and well-written. They appreciate the simple, effective prose and the author's no-nonsense writing style. The book provides a perspective on religion in an accessible way.
"A fascinating book about understanding the enduring usefulness of religion from an evolutionary perspective...." Read more
"...His evidence appears (to this relative layman) to be on point, well interpreted, often surprisingly counterintuitive, and not cherry-picked, but..." Read more
"This is an exceptional book that brings together and analyzes a large amount of research on the topic of religion...." Read more
"...Norenzayan is a strong, no-nonsense writer that makes his points with simple, effective prose. “…..." Read more
Customers appreciate the book's social solidarity. They mention high fertility rates and beneficial, constructive behavior within groups.
"...These ever-expanding groups with high social solidarity, high fertility rates that ensured demographic expansion, and a stronger capacity to attract..." Read more
"...even by made up gods, ensures beneficial and socially constructive behavior within groups...." Read more
"...Weber's demonstrations that religion is about society, morality, and solidarity--not a failed attempt to explain the universe, not the result of..." Read more
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- Reviewed in the United States on April 22, 2024A fascinating book about understanding the enduring usefulness of religion from an evolutionary perspective. Whether you are a believer or an atheist, this book helps us understand the utility and survival of religion, even in the face of growing scientific evidence for non-belief.
- Reviewed in the United States on November 20, 2013Religion With and Without God
James A. Montanye
Religion Without God
by Ronald Dworkin
Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, September 2013
Pp. 180. $17.95 cloth.
Big Gods: How Religion Transformed Cooperation and Conflict
by Ara Norenzayan
Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, August 2013
Pp. xiii, 248. $29.95 cloth.
Religion is perhaps the most flexible concept in the history of philosophy and social science. The related concept of “rights” follows closely behind. Few other concepts track so closely the socialization of human life on planet earth.
1
Religious beliefs abounded in the ancient world. The Greek philosopher Thales of Miletus (ca. 600 BCE) imagined that “all things are full of gods.” Early religious practices honored, worshiped, and propitiated these unseen forces. Centuries later, as the historian Charles Freeman notes in The Closing of the Western Mind: The Rise of Faith and the Fall of Reason (2003, 68), “Religious practice [in ancient Rome] was closely tied to the public order of the state and with the psychological well-being that comes from the following of ancient rituals. Religious devotion was indistinguishable from one’s loyalties to the state, one’s city and one’s family.” Religion did not develop a truly moral dimension, however, until Christianity introduced a method for perfecting oneself to be become like god, a high goal that remains a cardinal tenet of the faith. Still later, as the philosopher John Passmore noted in The Perfectability of Man (1970, 155), “such moral guide books as The Whole Duty of Man [by Samuel Pufendorf, 1673] gradually shifted their emphasis. Man’s primary duties for seventeenth-century moralists are directed toward God, for their eighteenth century successors toward man. The very word ‘bienfaisance’ had to be invented in France to convey the new moral attitude.” With this transformation, individual perfectability entailed finding the efficient path to social harmony and private prosperity, and was attainable by theists and atheists alike. Commenting on these shifting religious foundations, the theologian Dietrich Bonhoeffer lamented, in Letters and Papers from Prison (1997, 278), “[w]e are moving towards a completely religionless time; people as they are now simply cannot be religious any more. Even those who honestly describe themselves as ‘religious’ do not in the least act up to it, and so they presumably mean something quite different by ‘religious.’” Bonhoeffer ultimately found solace in the seemingly odd notion of Christianity without religion.
Western religions are viewed today as comprising institutions and practices that encourage individual trust, cooperation, and economic exchange, all of which foster social cohesion and relatively peaceful coexistence. Within this framework, god and state are closely substitutable forces. The classicist Alan Bloom, in Giants and Dwarfs (1990, 227–228), interpreted Rousseau’s notion of the social contract accordingly: “To succeed, [a politician] must charm men with at least the appearance of divine authority to make up for the human authority he lacks and to give men the motives for submission to the law that nature does not provide. He not only needs authority from the gods; he must establish a civil religion that can support and reward men’s willing the common good.” While church and state remain essentially divided by the proverbial “high wall of separation,” religion and state have become fused.
In Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy (1942, 5), the distinguished economist Joseph Schumpeter characterized twentieth-century Marxism as a religion, observing that it is “first, a system of ultimate ends that embody the meaning of life and are absolute standards by which to judge events and actions; and, secondly, a guide to those ends which implies a plan of salvation and the indication of the evil from which mankind, or a chosen section of mankind, is to be saved. ... it belongs to that subgroup [of ‘isms’] which promises paradise this side of the grave.” As much can be said of other Western civil religions; for example, Fascism, National Socialism, Zionism, Progressive Liberalism, and American Democratic Fundamentalism (Montanye 2006). The literary and social critic Harold Bloom notes in The American Religion: The Emergence of a Post-Christian Nation (1992, 15–16) that “[the West’s first] war against Iraq ... was a true religious war, but not one in which Islam was involved spiritually, on either side. Rather, it was the war of an American Religion (and of the American Religion abroad, even among our Arab allies) against whatever denies the self's status and function as the true standard of being and value.” The biologist E.O. Wilson nailed the overarching point in On Human Nature (1978, 3): “Religions, like other human institutions, evolve so as to enhance the persistence and influence of their practitioners. Marxism and other secular religions offer little more than promises of material welfare and a legislated escape from the consequences of human nature. They, too, are energized by the goal of collective self-aggrandizement.”
The economist Robert Nelson has extended religious thinking far beyond Rousseau’s concept of civil (secular) religions. In Reaching for Heaven on Earth: The Theological Meaning of Economics (1991) and Economics as Religion (2001), Nelson chronicles the spiritual foundations of economic beliefs, from antiquity to modernity as they emerged from the competing Roman and Protestant intellectual traditions. Nelson’s message is that economics and environmental institutions, like theocentric religions, are belief systems built upon value assumptions. These systems give rise to fideist cults that grow up around the ideologies and revelations found in authoritative scriptures authored by all-to-human individuals. Economics qualifies as a religious belief system by Nelson’s lights (1991, 235) because it rests upon an unwavering faith in the theory and promise of economic efficiency.
“In truth, the market mechanism has never been analytically demonstrated to be the most efficient means of producing and distributing the resources of society, when all costs—including information costs, search costs, costs of wasted resources due to failures, and other trial-and-error costs—are taken into account. Neither, however, has any other economic system ever been shown to be superior to the market. At the level of economic theory, the issue remains almost entirely unresolved. Indeed, it is more obscured than illuminated by most existing economic theory. It is only at the level of practical economic experience that a verdict in favor of the market seems to stand on firm ground.”
Nelson’s point casts doubt upon the rationality of economic theory, and also upon the reasonableness of rationality in general.
Nelson (2001, 8–11) claims furthermore that economists’
“most important social role has been as preachers of a religion with the special character that it acts to uphold the normative foundations required for a rapidly growing modern economy. ... Like some priests of the past, some economists are motivated in practice by the opportunity for private gain—for cushy university appointments, lucrative consulting contracts, or other personal benefits. Yet many economists have been sacrificing and continue to sacrifice monetary gain in the pursuit of religious truth, in this case the truths of economic efficiency and the path of material progress in society. ... Society will always require the services of some kind of priestly class, economic or otherwise, in order to assist in fending off widespread rent seeking and other multiple forms of opportunism that always threaten the bonds of social cohesion.”
In The New Holy Wars: Economic Religion v. Environmental Religion in Contemporary America (2010, xi), Nelson endorses the broad definition of religion offered by the theologian Max Stackhouse: “a comprehensive worldview or ‘metaphysical moral vision’ that is accepted as binding because it is held to be, in itself, basically true and just, even if all dimensions of it cannot be either finally confirmed or refuted. [Religion in this sense] is functional: it provides a framework for interpreting the realities of life in the world, it guides the basic beliefs and behaviors of persons and it empowers believers to seek to transform the world in accordance with a normative ethic of what should be.” This characterization, like Schumpater’s view of Marxism quoted earlier, excludes relatively little from religion’s substantive orbit. It also fits snugly with Søren Kierkegaard’s conviction that all politics (and political economy) ultimately reduces to religious beliefs. No wonder then that modern theologians “speak publically in the languages of economics, natural resource management, conservation biology, ecology, sociology, administrative science, and other forms of official policy discourse” (p. x).
Against this background, two new books merit close consideration.
2
The first work, Religion Without God (2013), is by the distinguished philosopher and humanist Ronald Dworkin. This slim, posthumously published volume describes the authors vision of religion as “a deep, distinct, and comprehensive worldview: it holds that inherent, objective value permeates everything, that the universe and its creatures are awe-inspiring, that human life has purpose and the universe order” (p. 1). These beliefs manifest themselves as a “fundamental religious impulse [what Calvin called a sensus divinitatus] that had manifested itself in various convictions and emotions. ... [and have] generated two kinds of convictions: a belief in a supernatural force—a god—and a set of profound ethical and moral convictions” (p. 146). For Dworkin, “A belief in a god [e.g., the bearded, personal Sistine God of Christian theology] is only one possible manifestation or consequence of that deeper worldview” (p. 1). He opposes the desire among theologians and philosophers of religion “to reserve ‘religion’ for theism and then to say that ... others are [merely] ‘sensitive’ or ‘spiritual’ atheists” (p. 5). He declines as well to equate religion with the supernatural, and also with fixed notions of the right and the good. Instead, Dworkin claims that religion is an “interpretive” concept with many possible meanings and implications, not all of which entail a belief in a god or gods. He argues that “life’s intrinsic meaning and nature’s intrinsic beauty [are] paradigms of a fully religious attitude to life” (p. 11). At bottom, “What divides godly and godless religion—the science of godly religion—is not as important as the faith in value that unites them” (p. 19).
Not all philosophers of religion will accept Dworkin’s argument. For many, a “Sistine God” remains religion’s defining ingredient. The philosopher (and believing Christian) Alvin Plantinga argues, in Science and Religion: Are They Compatible (with Daniel Dennett, 2013, 17) that an expansive “worldview functions as a sort of myth, in the technical sense of that term: It offers a way of interpreting ourselves to ourselves, a way of understanding our origin and significance at the deep level of religion. It tells us where we come from, what our prospects are, what our place in the universe is, whether there is life after death, and the like. We could therefore say that it is [merely] a quasi-religion.” We also might consider it as being rational pragmatism, or else fret, as John Locke did, that removing God from religion would dissolve all, leaving behind a toxic residue of destructive secularism. Or more simply, we might reject as self-defeating any worldview that would embrace (say) gangsta-rap culture as religion.
Dworkin’s conception of religion as being something deeper than theism leads him to consider whether there exists “any special interest that people have because they believe in a god that they would not have if, like Einstein and millions of others, they subscribe to a religion without god” (pp. 111–112). Doubting that any such interest exists, Dworkin argues for a general and overarching civil “right” that is more encompassing than the conventional Western “right” of religious liberty. Dworkin defines this concept as a “general right to ethical independence” (p. 132). The matter of how this “right” would be exercised and enforced within pluralist societies is left unresolved (See Montanye 2011).
3
Dworkin notes that theocentric religions entail “a god who imposes judgment from on high,” and he wonders rhetorically “why should a last judgement be desirable at all?” (p. 152). One possible answer is offered in a book the social psychologist Ara Norenzayan titled Big Gods: How Religion Transformed Cooperation and Conflict (2013). Norenzayan argues in part that “Belief in certain kinds of supernatural watchers—Big Gods—is an essential ingredient that, along with rituals and other interlocking sets of social commitment devices, glued together total strangers into ever-larger moral communities as cultural evolution gained pace in the past twelve millennia” (p. 10). His supporting argument proceeds along the path of a still-controversial bit of scientific theory regarding the role of social groups in the process of biological evolution by natural selection, an issue first broached by Darwin himself in The Descent of Man (1871), and subsequently adopted, mutatis mutandis, by the sociologist Emile Durkheim and his disciples. By Norenzayan’s lights (pp. 8–9):
“Believers who feared [‘watchful Big Gods with interventionist inclinations’] cooperated, trusted, and sacrificed for the group much more than believers in morally indifferent gods or gods lacking omniscience. Displays of devotion and hard-to-fake commitments such as fasts, food taboos, and extravagant rituals further transmitted believers’ sincere faith in these gods to others. In this way, religious hypocrites were prevented from invading and undermining these groups. Through these and other solidarity-promoting mechanisms, religions of Big Gods forged anonymous strangers into large, cohesive moral communities tied together with the sacred bonds of common supernatural jurisdiction. ... These ever-expanding groups with high social solidarity, high fertility rates that ensured demographic expansion, and a stronger capacity to attract converts grew in size often at the expense of other groups. As they spread, they took their religious beliefs and practices with them, ultimately culminating in the morally concerned Big Gods of the major world religions. ... [By comparison, t]hose societies with atheist majorities—some of the most cooperative, peaceful, and prosperous in the world—climbed religion’s ladder, and then kicked it away.”
In other words, Big Gods arose because they produced outcomes that are (or once were) socially, biologically, and economically efficient. Psychological and sociological explanations of religion thus have intrinsically strong links to programs in “behavioral economics” and “religion and economics,” and also to brain imaging work in neuroeconomics and neurotheology.
The idea that belief in Big Gods contributes to social order and cooperation is not a new one. An article by the economist Dominic Johnson, for example, explored this possibility in a 2005 article titled “God's Punishment and Public Goods: A Test of the Supernatural Punishment Hypothesis in 186 World Cultures” (Human Nature 16[4]: 410–446). Johnson’s directly empirical effort richly supports the “high gods” thesis, but admittedly is not dispositive. Norenzayan’s work, by comparison, relies largely on social statistics and experimental results gleaned from various branches of psychology. His evidence appears (to this relative layman) to be on point, well interpreted, often surprisingly counterintuitive, and not cherry-picked, but also not dispositive. The author gives a candid account of apparent anomalies; for example, the fact that “Denmark and Sweden, the world’s least religious societies, where overwhelming majorities do not believe in God, are also the ones topping international rankings of rule of law, low levels of corruption, high levels of cooperation and trust, and generally high levels of societal well-being. To be clear,” he explains, “just as religion is not the only source of prosociality, supernatural monitoring is not the only source of prosociality in religion” (p. 75). He similarly notes that “the United States, which is characterized with both high levels of rule of law but also high levels of atheist distrust ... is an outlier” (p. 90). In still other contexts, he shows religion to be both “arsonist and the fire department” (p. 188). The book’s final chapter addresses the existence of large-scale cooperation in the absence of Big Gods playing an oversight role. As Norenzayan suspects, and as the overarching history of religious flexibility suggests, Big Gods may have been more important in centuries past than they are today; a passing phase in the earth's socialization process.
Norenzayan’s theory concerning the causes of efficient social behavior casts god somewhat awkwardly as the creation of rational man. This is not altogether unreasonable, but a bit more clarification and argument would be helpful. A naturalistic counter-explanation, for example, might ground god and religion upon the interplay between economic resource scarcity and the forces of biological natural selection (Montanye 2013). Exploring religion more fully from the individual actor’s (versus group) perspective also could prove insightful. These quibbles aside, however, Norenzayen’s book remains a worthwhile read.
References
Montanye, James A. 2006. The Apotheosis of American Democracy. The Independent Review 11(1): 5–17.
———. 2011. Property Rights and the Limits of Religious Liberty. The Independent Review 16(1): 27–52.
———. 2012. Morality, Altruism, and Religion in Economics Perspective. Essays in the Philosophy of Humanism 20(2): 19–44.
- Reviewed in the United States on December 11, 2014This is an exceptional book that brings together and analyzes a large amount of research on the topic of religion. It is well written even if sometimes redundant, and a surprisingly easy read for such a complex topic. I am recommending it to all my friends interested in the ways that religion and religious people have and are influencing our world...a condition of real mystery to many of us!
- Reviewed in the United States on January 28, 2024Excellent
- Reviewed in the United States on September 27, 2013Norenzayan has written a masterful examination of the question concerning why some religions are more 'successful' than others. This is a must-read to those interested in religion, historical change, and atheism. This is truly one of the best expositions that I have ever read.
- Reviewed in the United States on April 25, 2020This book did an excellent job of explaining the more positive side of the question: Why is most of the civilized world a place where BIG gods are worshiped...even though only a tiny fraction of human history (the last .1%) have we expressed any interest in BIG god religions? In short, the positive explanation says: BIG moralistic gods helped people in large, complex societies treat each other more cooperatively, fairly, and "nicely" even though they had no familial/kinship/genetically based reason to trust each other enough to cooperate.
What it overlooks is the negative side of the explanation:
The priest-kings that ruled BIG god worshiping agricultural civilizations were supposedly uniquely favored by these gods. In some religions, high priests were considered demigods or even gods themselves. Sacrifice and strict, unquestioning obedience were necessary to keep this clerical caste, and the gods they represented, benevolent. The moral doctrines of agrarian religions were designed to fortify all the behaviors essential to sustaining social systems of peasant farmers ruled and exploited by theocratic elites: conformity, cooperation, sacrifice, and obedience to authority. It was dangerous to ignore or disobey the moral codes laid down by the gods and goddesses through their priest-kings, both in this life and the eternal hereafter.
Religious rulers told their subjects that "natural" disasters—like droughts, floods, crop failures, famines, pestilence, and epidemic diseases—were the gods’ punishments for their disobedience. However, such disasters were generally the result of devastating natural forces converging with a degraded energy base, a poorly maintained hydraulic infrastructure, over-taxation, elite corruption, war, and oppression—not the lack of sacrifice and obedience on the part of the peasant underclass. Of course, environmental calamity and peasant resistance could foster further social disorder and decay in the form of peasant rebellions and slave revolts. However, these were usually the final nails in the coffin of a decadent, dysfunctional social order.
Sacrificial rituals were common throughout state-centered agrarian societies. For example, Aztec priests claimed human sacrifices were essential for maintaining and renewing the entire universe. It is believed that during a four-day ceremony to dedicate the main Aztec temple in Tenochtitlán, about 20,000 prisoners of war were sacrificed to the gods. A yearly toll of about 4,000 people were sacrificially killed to placate these blood-thirsty deities. Most were prisoners of war, the rest were youths, maidens, and children.
Although the Aztecs took human sacrifice to an unusual extreme, sacrifice was a common feature of agrarian cosmologies. Most of the religions of the agrarian era stressed the need to sacrifice something of great value to the gods in order to avoid their wrath and gain their assistance in preventing personal and social catastrophe. For farming societies, ritual sacrifice was an effort to gain some measure of psychological security and "control" over an environment that was both mysterious and potentially devastating. The profound insecurity of being at the mercy of nature's unpredictable fury was reduced if the deities that controlled these forces could be placated with the proper sacrificial rites and customs.
Sacrifice was also a lever of surplus appropriation by religious elites and a way to exercise their control over the collective labor process. Priest-kings could induce humble obedience and compel great personal sacrifices from their subjects in the form of offerings, taxation, tribute, and labor if god's grace in this life and the afterlife was their promised reward. In addition to slave labor, it was this ability to induce fear, sacrifice, obedience, reverence, and subservient cooperation from the peasant underclass that generated the wealth, raised the armies, and mobilized the labor needed to dig canals; build complex networks of dikes, levees, and aqueducts; and construct roads, cities, castles, pyramids, palaces, and awe-inspiring temples to the gods who ruled this life and the eternal hereafter.
Thus, BIG gods religions didn't just promote cooperation, trade & and "niceness." They enforced fearful subservience to religious tyranny and exploitation. This book completely concealed the brutal physical and psychological power relations that Big god religions imposed on the vast majority of civilizations' peasant/slave population.
Top reviews from other countries
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Stanislas d'EsclaibesReviewed in France on January 2, 20183.0 out of 5 stars Insightful but hard to read
I learnt a lot from this book. However I would not recommend it to the neophyte. This books feels like it was written for people who are already quite expert in the field. It can be jargony and the style isn't easy to read.
However, the thesis of the author is fascinating and you will learn a lot.
I recommend this book.
nadiaReviewed in Canada on November 3, 20135.0 out of 5 stars Explaining the role of Big Gods to WEIRDs
As a fully paid up human services' professional member of WEIRD (defined by Dr. Norenzayan as Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, Democratic) I am constantly searching for academic publications that may help me understand my clients' behaviours and decision making processes. In the many decades of my professional life I have come to categorize my professional readings into two broad groups: dense academic and popular. The challenge that I have faced has been that the 'dense academic' writers have usually burdened me with their own jargon which may be easily understood in their own circles but which takes a great deal of patience for an interested WEIRD to wade through and decipher. Sometimes what I discover in such 'dense academic' writings is rewarding enough to justify my time and intellectual effort in reading them; however, most of the time I find that my efforts were wasted and that the dense writing that I worked through imparted little or no new information. I have generally no grand expectation of writings that I assign to the 'popular' category and so I am immune to being disappointed by this category.
'Big Gods: how religion transformed cooperation and conflict' has been that exceedingly rare gem of reading for me: an exceptionally well written, coherent and accessible academic book. Through diligently documented reviews and analyses of current research in a wide range of academic disciplines, Dr. Norenzayan argues that belief in a powerful god who is assumed to be aware of believers' behaviours has played an important and necessary role in policing human beings' ability to transact and cooperate with each other. The Big Gods have been essentially a powerful and necessary protective factor for humanity's evolution. Dr. Norenzayan then moves on to examine how in the more advanced societies of our time social institutions such as the police and the judicial system have replaced the power of the omnipotent god: pro-social secular people may not believe in the wrath of god but as atheists they generally do believe in the rules of law of their societies. Dr. Norenzayan concludes that humanity has now reached a point of tension between atheists (especially in the advanced societies) and the numerous religious groups (predominantly in emerging societies) that will continue into the future. The very same tensions, of course, may co-exist in the same society as evidenced by the power and political persuasion of groups that are referred to as the Religious Right in USA and Canada.
The Big Gods has now raised a new question for this WEIRD: how to motivate and rehabilitate those who have rejected the Big Gods and secular laws? I shall continue to read about new research in the hope that Dr. Norenzayan represents a new trend among academic writers.
A R ATKINSONReviewed in the United Kingdom on May 5, 20145.0 out of 5 stars A major step forward in understanding the evolution of religion.
Ara Norenzayan, a psychologist at the University of British Columbia interested (among other things) in the evolutionary dynamics of religious pro-sociality - came to speak at a conference I put on at the University of Bristol 'Explaining Religion' (2010). He presented many of the themes he addresses in his book at that conference - and educated us all (there was a distinguished list of speakers too) on the central role the 'Big Gods' played in effecting the honest cooperative behaviour in individuals such that the religions here in the present have won out over those of the past - and possibly why more than survive have died out. One estimate records approximately, says Norenzayan, 10,000 religions in the present yet the vast majority of humanity adhere to a (markedly) disproportionate few (this requires serious attention) - so why have these disproportionate few been so successful?
'Big Gods' shows quite clearly how the role of omniscient - and I mean properly omniscient - Gods effect cooperative human interactions. He goes into great detail - using experimental evidence, anthropological research, the cognitive science of religious thinking itself, and embraces the collective enterprise very much needed to take on something as pervasive is religion. It's not enough, as Dawkins would have us believe in The God Delusion (2006) that religion is simply the 'mass' delusion of those host to the cultural equivalent of a harmful, divisive, mental virus - that fails to recognise the functionality of such delusion.
The themes Norenzayan explores, are familiar to some extent, largely due to the sensationalism caused by David Sloan Wilson's book Darwin's Cathedral (2002) which ascribes group level function to religions with zeal.
Norenzayan , however, succeeds where Wilson (2002) fails - because he really takes on board Wilson something can't explain by group selection - namely - the cognitive origins (and function) of belief in Big - morally concerned - Gods that might mirror the ways our own minds think about agents similar to ourselves - "we" know what, and why we're up to what we're up to - so a God that does too, is really going to play on our apprehensions to commit moral transgressions toward kin, kith, fellow citizens, those who share our religious proclivities - and - even display a level of distrust towards atheists (that much is a travesty and certainly not pro-social).
This book does nothing to attack the theologically minded - it is not its aim. It does not seek to disprove the factual claims of religion (how all the species of animal "the big giraffe and the kangaroo" all got on one boat, for example [where Noah got Kangaroo from is certainly a Sunday school non-truth]). The scholar of religion would do well to take on board Norenzayan's claims in Big Gods - as would they do other books such as Wilson's (2002) and Jesse Bering's God Instinct (2011). There is a science of religion - but not a scientific proof/or disproof of religious ontology - only an understanding of religion that might be deepened, and tempered by it.
For the concerned atheist - Norenzayan concludes with the following encouraging observation - and I wholeheartedly endorse it:
`The recent spread of secular institutions since the Industrial Revolution - courts, policing authorities, and effective contract in enforcing mechanisms in modern societies-has raised the spectre of large-scale cooperation without God. In the secular societies, the gods were replaced by big governments. Quo Modo Deum, or "the way of God" represented as a big eye in the sky, did not disappear it [has] merely changed shape.
Worth the read indeed.
Windsor, ONReviewed in Canada on March 5, 20143.0 out of 5 stars One atheist's opinion
5 stars
As an atheist I have often wondered about the appeal of religion and why it is still so prevalent in the modern era. The author, Ara Norenzayan does an excellent job of explaining this mystery. A great read for any atheist that would like some insight into the minds of the religious.
alapperReviewed in the United Kingdom on November 12, 20135.0 out of 5 stars Watched people are nice people
This book attempts to answer the questions of why the large monotheistic religions dominate societies and in what conditions theism and atheism arise. It is written by a Professor of Social Psychology at the University of British Columbia and its conclusions are backed by an impressive number of experimental studies. Although academic it is very readable although a bit repetitive in parts. Its main conclusions are summarized before the first chapter - 'watched people are nice people' is the first of these. Its main theme is that religions have been a major factor in the growth of large societies, and that religions may subsequently decline only when reliable social institutions such as the rule of law become established. It does have a problem in that the U.S.A. which seems from outside to have a fairly well established social order is nevertheless very religious. Perhaps the U.S.A.is not so well established as it appears to an outsider!
But this is a very interesting and thought provoking book that not only tries to explain why and when religions become established in societies but also the distrust of atheists (particularly in the U.S.A.) and what factors lead to either theism and atheism. These are immensely important questions and this is the first book I have read that has even tried to tackle the question or has come up with some (on the face of it) convincing answers.
On the subject of religion itself this book is not polemical (in the sense that Dawkins, Hitchens, Harris etc are) but I cannot help but sense that the authors stance is scientific and probably atheistic (with a small 'A').






