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The Big Sort: Why the Clustering of Like-Minded America is Tearing Us Apart Paperback – May 11, 2009
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From Publishers Weekly
Pulitzer Prize–finalist Bishop offers a one-idea grab bag with a thesis more provocative than its elaboration. Bishop contends that as Americans have moved over the past three decades, they have clustered in communities of sameness, among people with similar ways of life, beliefs, and in the end, politics. There are endless variations of this clustering—what Bishop dubs the Big Sort—as like-minded Americans self-segregate in states, cities—even neighborhoods. Consequences of the Big Sort are dire: balkanized communities whose inhabitants find other Americans to be culturally incomprehensible; a growing intolerance for political differences that has made national consensus impossible; and politics so polarized that Congress is stymied and elections are no longer just contests over policies, but bitter choices between ways of life. Bishop's argument is meticulously researched—surveys and polls proliferate—and his reach is broad. He splices statistics with snippets of sociological theory and case studies of specific towns to illustrate that while the Big Sort enervates government, it has been a boon to advertisers and churches, to anyone catering to and targeting taste. Bishop's portrait of our post materialistic society will probably generate chatter; the idea is catchy, but demonstrating that like does attract like becomes an exercise in redundancy. (May)
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
*Starred Review* How did zip codes become as useful to political activists as to mail carriers? In the relatively new cultural dynamics of political segregation, Bishop discerns a troubling transformation of American life. Complex and surprising, the story of that transformation will confound readers who suppose that recent decades have made American society both more diverse and more tolerant. Pinpointing 1965 as the year when events in Vietnam, Washington, and Watts delivered body blows to traditional social institutions, Bishop recounts how Americans who had severed ties to community, faith, and family forged new affiliations based on lifestyle preferences. The resulting social realignment has segmented the nation into groupthink communities, fostering political smugness and polarization. The much-noted cartography of Red and Blue states, as Bishop shows, actually distorts the reality of a deeply Blue archipelago of urban islands surrounded by a starkly Red rural sea. Bishop worries about the future of democratic discourse as more and more Americans live, work, and worship surrounded by people who echo their own views. A raft of social-science research underscores the growing difficulty of bipartisan compromise in a balkanized country where politicians win office by satisfying their most radical constituents. A book posing hard questions for readers across the political spectrum. --Bryce Christensen --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
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In 1965, we were a nation of 195,000,000 citizens, Democratics and Republicans evenly distributed across counties nationwide, of relative common mind, work, goals, politics and prosperity. By 2016 we’ve become a nation of 320,000,000, less individually prosperous, far less equally prosperous, all tightly sequestered in geographic, cultural and economic clusters. Politically polarized with a federal government frozen in perpetual stale mate.
The author cites numerous social science studies demonstrating the pernicious power of group-think and its ability to amplify ideologies, belief systems and behaviors while stoking extreme thinking. Mixed company moderates, like-minded company polarizes. And like-mindedness breeds isolationism, isolationism breeds extremist thinking. Because we’ve been sorting ourselves into like-minded clusters, we’ve lost the need for moderation, compromise and tolerance because we rarely interact with people with opposing views. Isolationism breeds extremism!
Bishop examines the culture wars of the 70s, 80s and 90s and reveals the links between generation, race, religion, tradition, abortion, birth control, guns, gays, identity rights, individualism, the environment and where you live and how you vote. He shows how GW Bush exploited this psychographic finding in his 2004 re-election campaign when his chief strategist Matt Dowd discovered there was no more “center” in the electorate. Dowd realized the middle was now just shallow water and wasting energy trying to persuade an undecided swing voter was folly, better to put all your energy into increasing turnout inside your deep base. And the partisan sentiment of the base was organically getting deeper by virtue of the Big Sort and its echo chambers. It was easier to build on an already rabid base than to convince a moderate swing voter to join your team. And it just so happens that right-leaning traditionalists were concentrating themselves inside electoral college battle ground states, making them easy to target.
Other interesting facts and observations Bishop presents include:
- Rural America defected en masse from the Democratic party in 2000
- Between Clinton ‘96 and Bush 2000, 856 counties switched from Democrat to Republican
- Republicans in 2007 were more religious than they were 20 years earlier. Democrats, less so.
- Republicans are “strict fathers” and Democrats are “nurturant parents.” (Everybody gets a trophy)
- Before the 1960s there was little difference in how Americans raised their children.
- After 2004, answers about child rearing became a better indicator of party than income
- Democrats moved to cities while Republicans moved to where there’s more grass to mow
- Reversing a trend, Democrats are now pro states-rights advocates whereas Republicans are shifting to support Federal mandates.
Other wedge issues Bishop cites behind the culture wars are school textbook censorship in the 70s and the 90s, busing in Boston in the ‘70s, prayer in schools, mainline churches preaching “social good” over “personal salvation” (saving society vs saving souls), spotted owls and old growth forests, gun control, birth control, abortion, sexual revolution, the rise of individualism and feminism.
Economic factors behind the Big Sort were globalization, technology, automation and the resulting disappearance of blue collar jobs, especially in the mid west and rural regions. This Corporate-Wall Street-Globalist grand bargain gave us cheap imported goods and low inflation (and a soaring stock market) but sacrificed jobs, livelihoods and a sense of meaning and direction for millions. (Globalization helped pull 150 million people out of poverty in China but plunged 10s of millions of the U.S. middle class into chaos and anxiety towards an uncertain future.)
Other changes Bishop notes includes the loss in faith in government and institutions beginning in the mid sixties with Vietnam and accelerating after Watergate. In 1955 80% of the population trusted government, by 1976 only 33% did. Civil rights was another seismic event, causing the Democrats to lose the south after 1964. The anti-science movement also came out of a slow burn of anti-trust in establishment and institutions, stoked by conspiracy theorists on both the right and left.
Bishop’s research also shows that higher education is another differentiator and has been a key sorting mechanism in the Big Sort. Today, the clearest indicators of Democrat vs Republican are education, age, parenting style, religion and geography (urban vs exurban - not necessarily sub-urban). The higher the education, the more progressive or liberal the voter, but not necessarily the less dogmatic.
Overall, The Big Sort is an interesting look at how certain monumental social and economic shifts have been quietly, and not so quietly, taking place in our society over the past 50 years causing ever larger chasms between the left and right. This new clustering of people, culture, economics, politics and ideas, all force-multiplied by social media and echo chambers, may help explain how this great country of ours has just elected a bellicose, ignorant, fear-mongering, Reality TV demagogue as its president - a primal scream from a fearful, displaced, white, rural middle class.
May God Save America!
This political segregation is happening because it is now easy for Americans to move to places they find more congenial. They find the same people there and they vote the same. The country is thus segregating geographically, which is a return to the original condition of the founding states. This clustering has increased political conformity so that the independent vote is now only about ten percent.
People are also simply choosing the lifestyles they like and the result is political. Democrats prefer big cities and older suburbs while Republicans prefer newer suburbs and rural areas. This assorting migration is producing assortive mating and tribal attitudes with political polarization.
This cultural shift actually started in 1965 when people first began challenging institutions in the post-WWII era. It was initially a silent revolution because it was first picked up in voter attitudes polled by Gallup. People then became more partisan and the era of compromise and bi-partisanship began unraveling. It first started from the left in 1965 with anti-war demonstrations but in 1966 Republicans joined in with unexpected Congressional victories where they ousted local Democrat politicians. 1966 was also the year when Reagan won the California governor's race by upsetting the incumbent Democrat.
Bishop says this is part of a post-materialist society, meaning one where people's material needs are satisfied so they concentrate on higher value needs such as lifestyle and the accompanying political conformity. So the cause is prosperity as people can increasingly afford to move and cluster. Bishop says the 2004 election was the first big sort election where motivating the base was more important than chasing independents. The GOP latched onto this earlier and used marketing techniques to find conservative voters. The Democrats caught up in 2008.
Accompanying all this has been the increasing distrust of national institutions and political parties. The most recent example has been the election of Donald Trump who is the quintessential political outsider. He has broken all the political conventions and amassed a major following. The 2016 election has probably changed American politics indefinitely.