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The Birth of Plenty : How the Prosperity of the Modern World was Created Hardcover – April 2, 2004
"A tour de force...prepare to be amazed."
--John C. Bogle, Founder and Former CEO, The Vanguard Group
Why didn't the Florentines invent the steam engines and flying machines that Da Vinci sketched? What kept the master metallurgists of ancient Rome from discovering electricity? The Birth of Plenty takes a fascinating new look at the key conditions that had to be in place before world economic growth--and the technological progress underlying it--could occur, why those pathways are still absent in many parts of today's world, and what must be done before true, universal prosperity can become a reality.
The Birth of Plenty doesn't mean to suggest that nothing of note existed before 1820. What The Birth of Plenty suggests that, from the dawn of recorded history through 1820, the "mass of man" experienced essentially zero growth, either in economic standing or living standards. It was only in the third decade of the nineteenth century that the much of the world's standard of living began to inexorably and irreversibly improve, and the modern world was born.
But what changed, and why then? Noted financial expert and neurologist William Bernstein isolates the four conditions which, when occurring simultaneously, constitute an all-inclusive formula for human progress:
- Property rights--Creators must have proper incentives to create
- Scientific rationalism--Innovators must be allowed to innovate without fear of retribution
- Capital markets--Entrepreneurs must be given access to capital to pursue their visions
- Transportation/communication--Society must provide mechanisms for effective communication of ideas and transport of finished products
Beyond just shining a light on how quickly progress occurs once the building blocks are in place, however, The Birth of Plenty examines how their absence constitutes nothing less than a prescription for continued human struggle and pain. Why do so many parts of the world remain behind, while others learn to adapt, adopt, and move forward? What must long-troubled nations do to pull themselves from the never-ending spiral of defeatism? The Birth of Plenty addresses these timely and vital questions head-on, empirically and without apology, and provides answers that are both thought-provoking and troubling.
The Birth of Plenty frames the modern world's prosperity--or, in far too many cases, continuing lack of prosperity--in terms that are ingenious yet simple, complex yet easily understood. Entertaining and provocative, it will forever change the way you view the human pursuit of happiness, and bring the conflicts of both the world's superpowers and developing nations into a fascinating and informative new light.
From Publishers Weekly
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
From Booklist
Copyright © American Library Association. All rights reserved
From the Back Cover
"...a tour de force...prepare to be amazed."
--John C. Bogle, Founder and Former CEO, The Vanguard Group
A bold new look at the continuing era of prosperity--how we got here, and where we could be headed
Why didn't the Florentines invent the steam engines and flying machines that Da Vinci sketched? What kept the master metallurgists of ancient Rome from discovering electricity? The Birth of Plenty takes a fascinating new look at the key conditions that had to be in place before world economic growth--and the technological progress underlying it--could occur, why those pathways are still absent in many parts of today's world, and what must be done before true, universal prosperity can become a reality.
"Not long after 1820, prosperity began flowing in an ever increasing torrent; with each successive generation, the life of the son became observably more comfortable, informed, and predictable than that of the father. This book will examine the nature, causes, and consequences of this transformation..."
--From the Introduction
The Birth of Plenty doesn't mean to suggest that nothing of note existed before 1820. What The Birth of Plenty suggests--and supports with irrefutable fact and groundbreaking analysis--is that, from the dawn of recorded history through 1820, the "mass of man" experienced essentially zero growth, either in economic standing or living standards. It was only in the third decade of the nineteenth century that the much of the world's standard of living began to inexorably and irreversibly improve, and the modern world was born.
But what changed, and why then? Noted financial expert and neurologist William Bernstein isolates the four conditions which, when occurring simultaneously, constitute an all-inclusive formula for human progress:
- Property rights--Creators must have proper incentives to create
- Scientific rationalism--Innovators must be allowed to innovate without fear of retribution
- Capital markets--Entrepreneurs must be given access to capital to pursue their visions
- Transportation/communication--Society must provide mechanisms for effective communication of ideas and transport of finished products
Beyond just shining a light on how quickly progress occurs once the building blocks are in place, however, The Birth of Plenty examines how their absence constitutes nothing less than a prescription for continued human struggle and pain. Why do so many parts of the world remain behind, while others learn to adapt, adopt, and move forward? What must long-troubled nations do to pull themselves from the never-ending spiral of defeatism? The Birth of Plenty addresses these timely and vital questions head-on, empirically and without apology, and provides answers that are both thought-provoking and troubling.
The Birth of Plenty frames the modern world's prosperity--or, in far too many cases, continuing lack of prosperity--in terms that are ingenious yet simple, complex yet easily understood. Entertaining and provocative, it will forever change the way you view the human pursuit of happiness, and bring the conflicts of both the world's superpowers and developing nations into a fascinating and informative new light.
About the Author
William Bernstein, Ph.D., M.D. founded the popular website efficientfrontier.com. A practicing neurologist and the author of The Intelligent Asset Allocator and The Four Pillars of Investing, Dr. Bernstein has an intensely loyal following of readers as well as an extensive network of media contacts. He is often quoted in The Wall Street Journal and is a frequent guest columnist for Morningstar.
- Print length350 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherMcGraw-Hill
- Publication dateApril 2, 2004
- Dimensions6.25 x 1.75 x 9 inches
- ISBN-100071421920
- ISBN-13978-0071421928
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Product details
- Publisher : McGraw-Hill; 1st edition (April 2, 2004)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 350 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0071421920
- ISBN-13 : 978-0071421928
- Item Weight : 1.65 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.25 x 1.75 x 9 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #503,232 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #222 in Development & Growth Economics (Books)
- #404 in International Economics (Books)
- #1,027 in Economic History (Books)
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About the author

William Bernstein has authored several best-selling books on finance and history, is often quoted in the national financial media, and has written for Morningstar, Money Magazine, and The Wall Street Journal. His title on the history of world trade, A Splendid Exchange, was short-listed for the 2008 Financial Times/Goldman Sachs best business book award, and was designated a best book of the year by the Economist. He was the 2017 recipient of the CFA Institute's James Vertin Award for financial research.
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The author is very clear about his thesis. He tells us of it early, then repeats it over and over again, as he builds his case and weaves his flow of information. The thesis is that until about 1820, per capita growth, worldwide, was at about zero. For the most part, people did not get wealthier, they did not move or travel far, and they did not expect the world around them to change very much. This was true under the Greeks, as it was true under the Romans. Sure, some emperors gained in wealth, land and power, but the common man, essentially, stood still.
Explaining the pessimism of all this, English economist Thomas Malthus told us that food supply and mouths to feed keep things in balance: If there were to be more food, there would be more mouths to feed. But some years would not produce as much food as others. And, back in medieval times, serfs had little to no incentive to produce more than was expected. There was really nothing to do with any excess food. One could only eat so much, and storage facilities were poor to non-existent. And, if one were to somehow accumulate "wealth," it would probably be taken by the landowner, The Church and/or thieves.
But things were about the change. The thesis of the book is that about 1820 the four elements that need to be in place to create economic growth came into place:
1) Secure property and individual rights
2) The scientific method
3) The modern capital marketplace
4) Improved communications and transportations
As a result, worldwide population and per capita income increase significantly by 1880.
The birthplace of it all was England, and it was the right of property (including the right to own slaves) that started things off. It is this right, per the author, that guarantees all other rights. English common law established private property rights and individual rights by the early 1600s. But these rights, alone, could not unleash economic prosperity. No, next would come the breakdown of the "intellectual monopoly" of the Catholic Church. The separation of science and religion would take place over a period of centuries. Galileo, Newton and Halley make essential contributions. Over time, the scientific method would be developed. This along with the right of property, which included the right to patent one's ideas and/or inventions, was one of the essential elements to economic prosperity.
In the area of capital, it was in Holland that the concept of investment banking was born. And it was the joint-stock companies of the Dutch East India Company and the English East India Company that led to the development of the English capital markets, which would provide capital for major public and private projects that would lead to improvements in communications and transportation.
In the U.S., it was J.P. Morgan, in the late 1800s, who played an essential role by facilitating separate banks and other entities to form syndicates to provide vast capital and to share risk.
In the area of communications and transportation, the two major entries are the telegraph and the steam engine. Sustained energy is essentially "stuck" until the steam engine and other engines come along. Man, even with animals and/or slaves, generates relatively little sustained horsepower. The waterwheel improves things, for sure, as does the windmill. But it is steam power, leading up to the railroad locomotive and the electrical generator in the 1880s that gives mankind huge leaps in economic productivity and prosperity. At the same time, canals were a huge improvement, both in Europe and America, for internal transportations, while the steam ships on the high seas increased speed and bulk between countries.
In the cities, in the late 1880s, huge power plants supported electrical grids and electric lighting. Says the author, "The half century from 1825 to 1875 saw more thoroughgoing change in the way people lived their lives than any other period in history." He adds, "...a person of the 1820s transported through time to the year 1875 would have been rendered speechless."
Some factoids gathered from the book along the way:
* By the year 1700, the Dutch were by far the world's wealthiest people.
* One of the best ways to measure prosperity in historically remote times is by calculating the percentage of the population living in cities....In 1700, 34% of the Dutch population lived in cities...England 13%, France 9% and Italy 15%.
* In the year 1800, fully 70% of the U.S. population worked as farmers.
* In the early 1800s, a triangular trade developed among the U.S. (cotton) to England (finished goods) to Africa (slaves) and back to the U.S. Between 1790 and 1850, the number of slaves in the U.S. went from 700,000 to 3,200,000.
* For thousands of years, the primary goal of any ruler was to maximize his own wealth.
* Before the modern era, the idea that a nation could grow wealthy through commerce was almost unheard of....The wise ruler collects taxes in ways that do not interfere with free market incentives.
* Colonialism in the Latin countries of the New World did not produce poverty, in itself, but because neither individual nor property rights were established, a wide gap between the majority of haves and the minority of have nots would be the ultimate result. Such is the legacy that is now in evidence in much of Latin America today.
The author would seem to embrace worldwide democracy, capitalism and globalization, in a similar way as Tom Friedman and others. He even gives us data to have us believe that more secularism and freedom leads to more individual happiness. And having money, at the individual level, also helps. While he would say that "man is on a sort of `hedonic treadmill,'" he would also say that "In the absolute sense, we are winning the battle against worldwide poverty."
But, ultimately, Bernstein is all about property rights. Confiscation of property by government, he thinks, for whatever reason, and without proper compensation to the owner, is the worst thing that could happen to a society. As for the gaps between the rich and the poor, he says, "The United States appears to be cautiously probing the `right edge' of that envelope, exploring just how much income and wealth inequality can be tolerated in the interest of encouraging optimum growth. The rest of the developed world seems to dwell to the `left edge'". But he also says:
* Military expenses...have a very high deadweight loss
* The Europeans "tax smarter" than the U.S. does
* Tolerance of wealth inequality decreases dramatically during tough times, as happened during The Great Depression.
Amidst his thesis is his belief that "Both (successful) democracy and military power spring from the same source: economic prosperity, spread widely among the populous." But any nation has the risk of being passed up. England, he would say, did not get poorer, it was simply surpassed, economically, over time, by the U.S. in wealth and power. In turn, he sees China as having a shot at passing the U.S. At one point, if it continues to grow as it is doing, it simply could increase its military presence and, by definition, become the leading military power in the world. He does not think that this would be the worst thing that could happen to the U.S. On personal finances, he gives us, on a lighter note, a quote from H.L. Mencken: "A wealthy man is one who earns more than his brother-in-law."
And on a subject of a current debate, he is highly skeptical that expecting democracy to flourish in a country like Afghanistan, without a foundation of individual and property rights and/or a solid legal system, is a dream that is doomed to fail. On the general subject of war, he simply thinks that might makes right, but that if a society does not have the four fundamental elements discussed above, the power of that nation will not last long. World War II, he feels, was won because the addition of the wealth of the U.S. to the Allies' wealth gave the edge to the Allies. And in the Pacific, the reason the U.S. won the Battle of Midway was because it had more firepower.
The book ends with a summary chapter. There he tells us again that it is the four institutions discussed above that determine economic prosperity. Once in place for a nation, prosperity for that nation follows, almost automatically. Those nations that fail to have the four in place are doomed to fail, almost inevitably. And this includes nations with valuable natural resources, such as Saudi Arabia, which can appear, superficially, to have achieved great national wealth.
"Why Nations Fail" says it's inclusive institutions. "The Rational Optimist" says it's the freedom to trade. "Mass Flourishing" says it's individualism. "Enlightenment Now" says it's rational thinking. "Guns, Germs, and Steel" says it's geographical factors. "Bourgeois Equality" says it's language, ideas, and luck.
"Birth of Plenty," in my opinion, gets it the most right. Bernstein argues that property rights, scientific rationalism, capital markets, and transportation/communication are all needed, like four legs of a table. Property rights provide the incentive to invent, scientific rationalism provides the mental ability to create, capital markets provide the ability to mass produce, and communication/transportation provide the means of dissemination.
The first section of the book explains the history of each of the four factors, where they first developed, and how they added to the process of innovation, which led to more economic prosperity. The second section of the book was much more interesting and much less convincing. Here, Bernstein attempts to use the four-factor thesis to make further claims about the world.
Arguments I found reasonable: There is a trade-off between equality and growth that countries must balance, and the US is trending toward too much inequality while many European nations are trending toward too slow growth. Democracy does not cause prosperity as much as prosperity causes democracy. A history of colonialism is not necessarily a decisively-negative factor for modern independent nations -- in other words, some former territories are rich now, some countries that were never colonized are now poor.
Arguments I found less reasonable: Bernstein says that *the reason* too much inequality is bad is because the poor will begin taking unlawful actions because they will no longer care about maintaining a social order that doesn't benefit them. This might be *one reason* that inequality is bad but there's also lack of access to quality education, predatory financial markets, government corruption, etc...
Also, Bernstein argues that development aid doesn't really help poor countries unless the four factors are in place there. His evidence is that countries with a lot of natural resources aren't prosperous. The efficacy of aid is still debatable but I think the preponderance of the evidence is in favor of aid. And if he's going to devote only a few paragraphs to the topic, he should at least explain that it's unsettled. Also, is inciting perpetual growth the *only* goal of aid? If I give a poor person a healthful meal and antibiotics and new clothes and these gifts don't solve their financial problem forever, was it pointless? I don't think so.
All in all, it's an impressive book that I've found myself rereading more than any other "How did we get here?" genre of book.
Top reviews from other countries
But where did all this wealth come from? What caused its creation, after millennia of poverty (by modern standards)?
This book explains, breaking it down into four factors:
- property rights (which incentivise investment, knowing that you'll enjoy the returns)
- scientific rationalism (which freed us to understand and improve the world around us)
- capital markets (because the person with the great idea isn't often the one with the money to make it happen)
- transport and communication (because otherwise a factory can serve only the town it's located in)
This book gives a riveting history of millennia of capital markets and economics, going as far back as the Roman empire! It gives us a graph of interest rates over the course of the empire — information I never imagined would be available, let alone lucidly presented, and connected to the real-world rise and fall of the empire, rather than left alone as dry statistics.
Moving on to the medieval period, we see how different countries had their fortunes ebb and flow, and how the Netherlands's superior capital markets and lower interest rates, compared to Britain, let the former dominate the latter in trade and military. A number like 4% is no longer an abstract number that only an economist would be interested in, but affects the fortunes of entire countries!
The book tells us how we may think that the modern world is a period of uniquely rapid progress, but that nothing could be farther from the truth. The fastest progress ever happened in the 19th century, when the railways were built, and people could suddenly travel faster than the horse.
Until then, each town had its own clock, independent of other towns, and the people set their watches by the town's clocktower. That system worked for millennia, but with the creation of the railways, it broke down. To have a railway timetable, all stations along a route had to have the same measurement of time. This led to the creation of timezones, of cities and towns being grouped into discrete zones, where everything in one zone used the same clock. Did you ever wonder where timezones came from? Now you know the answer!
A person born in the early part of the 19th century couldn't recognise or understand the world at the end of the century, when the telephone and telegraph existed, and messages could be sent across the entire Atlantic Ocean in less than a second. That was unimaginable technology to a person who couldn't imagine anything faster than a horse.
The book is full of fascinating insights like this — a must-read if you've wondered about where the prosperity of the developed world comes from, and what the main causes are, all interwoven into a gripping and masterful historical narrative.
Der Autor führt das Wirtschaftswachstum auf vier Grund legende Voraussetzungen zurück:
1. Kapitalmärkte
2. Privateigentum
3. Rationalität (Kultur der Wissenschaft)
4. ausreichende Transportwege (inkl. Kommunikation)
Diese Faktoren müssen gleichzeitig gegeben sein. Erfindungen beruhen auf den Wissenschaften. Als Anreiz müssen die Erfinder einen Nutzen haben (deshalb ist Privateigentum notwendig); für die Finanzierung größerer Projekte sind Kapitalmärkte nötig. Dass die Waren dann noch auf irgend einem Weg zum Kunden gelangen müssen, ist klar. In den Wirtschaftswissenschaften wird immer gesagt, Wachstum entstehe durch technischen Fortschritt; das setzt aber diese Faktoren als gegeben voraus.
Im weiteren Verlauf des Buches wird gezeigt, wie sich diese vier Faktoren historisch entwickelt haben. Das erklärt, warum die Industrialisierung ausgerechnet um 1820 in England wirksam wurde und nicht in den früheren Hochkulturen China und Ägypten. Die vier Faktoren wurden bisher nirgends vollständig verwirklicht (im 19. Jahrhundert sei z. B. in Großbritannien die Freiheit wieder eingeschränkt worden, damit die gesellschaftlich nützlicheren staatlichen Polizei- und Gesundheitsdienste eingeführt werden konnten). Der Staat könne auch in anderen Bereichen die Effizienz der Marktwirtschaft verbessern und insbesondere auf dem Kapitalmarkt für mehr Effizienz sorgen.
Zum Schluss werden einige mögliche zukünftige Entwicklungen angesprochen. Die letzten zwei Jahrhunderte hätten gezeigt, dass es eine Beziehung zwischen Krieg, Wohlstand und Demokratie gäbe: Wohlstand begünstige sowohl Kriege (sie lassen sich leichter finanzieren) als auch die Demokratie (die Kriege verhindern kann). Amerika werde noch lange die einzige Weltmacht bleiben.
Der Autor stellt darüber hinaus eine Reihe von Konflikten dar. So führe Ungleichheit zwar zu mehr Wohlstand, könne aber auch ein Anlass für soziale Unruhen sein. Untersuchungen zeigten, dass den Menschen Inflation lieber sei als Arbeitslosigkeit und dass sie den Wohlfahrtsstaat schätzten, weil er Sicherheit biete.
Während die Argumentation des Autors der gängigen Lehrmeinung der Volkswirtschaftslehre folgt, bin ich in einigen Punkten anderer Auffassung:
1. Meines Erachtens kann die Marktwirtschaft nur dadurch effizienter und stabiler werden, dass man dem Staat die Kontrolle über das Geld entzieht. Die Abschaffung der Zentralbanken würde Inflation (eine Änderung der relativen Preise der Güter und Dienstleistungen untergräbt das Fundament der Marktwirtschaft) und Konjunkturzyklen (welche durch Manipulationen des Zinssatzes entstehen) beseitigen. Siehe z. B. Baader: "Geld, Gold und Gottspieler". Auch der Konflikt zwischen Wohlstand, Demokratie und Krieg wäre gelöst, weil der Staat das dafür benötigte Geld nicht mehr drucken (lassen) könnte. Im Übrigen kann es das angeblich durch den Staat zu erzeugende Marktgleichgewicht gar nicht geben, weil sich die relevanten Daten (z. B. Preise) erstens ständig ändern und zweitens von den Menschen subjektiv interpretiert werden (siehe Huerta de Soto: "Die Österreichische Schule der Nationalökonomie").
2. Untersuchungen über das Wohlbefinden der Gesellschaft sind grundsätzlich problematisch; wie Wilkinson: "In Pursuit of Happiness Research" zeigt, kann man die Daten mit Recht auch als Absage an den Wohlfahrtsstaat interpretieren. Das liegt u. a. daran, dass der Begriff "Glück" für jeden etwas anderes bedeutet.
3. "Ungleichheit" ist ebenfalls ein problematisches Konzept: Warum sind reiche Unternehmer schlecht, aber reiche Sportler und Künstler gut? Im Grunde ist Ungleichheit nur dann verwerflich, wenn sie nicht durch eigene Verdienste entstanden ist (z. B. bei Großgrundbesitzern, die durch fragwürdige Methoden an ihr Land kamen). Deshalb gibt es auch in Indien keine Ressentiment gegen Reiche, solange der Aufstieg im Prinzip für jeden möglich ist (siehe Aiyar: "Poor Don't Fret about Income Inequality"). Die amerikanischen "Räuberbarone" wurden i. d. R. deshalb reich, weil die Menschen deren Waren kaufen wollten (siehe Murphy: "The Politically Incorrect Guide to Capitalism"; dort steht auch mehr über die Weltwirtschaftskrise).
Mir hat das Buch mit Ausnahme der oben angesprochenen Punkte (welche sich auf die aktuelle Lage bzw. den Ausblick beziehen) sehr gut gefallen. Ich kann es jedem empfehlen, der sich für die Themen Wirtschaftsgeschichte und Wirtschaftswachstum interessiert. Obwohl nicht mit Formeln gearbeitet wird, ist die Darstellung besonders für Studenten der Wirtschaftswissenschaften interessant. Man erfährt, warum es den Industrieländern gut geht und den Entwicklungsländern nicht. Die Durchführung der vorgestellten Maßnahmen würde den Entwicklungsländern im Gegensatz zu mehr Hilfsgeldern wirklich helfen. Der Text wird durch Statistiken und Diagramme aufgelockert und ist flüssig geschrieben.
I have now realized what made me happy. The guilt that I had unknowingly harbored was lifted from me. You see I have increasingly felt that my wealth, our wealth, was due to our exploitation of the mineral and human resources of the rest of the planet. It is true that we have much to feel guilty about, the slave trade particularly, but our continued wealth is not a direct result of exploitation; it is the result of Bernstein's magic four factors being present together in our country.
Now I can still give to Oxfam, but it won't feel like guilt money!
The astonishing counter-intuitive idea that democracy does not lead to wealth, but the other way around, convincingly argued, was a real eye opener, as was much else in this wonderful book. Gorge W Bush should definitely read it!










