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Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin Hardcover – October 12, 2010
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Americans call the Second World War "the Good War." But before it even began, America's ally Stalin had killed millions of his own citizens-and kept killing them during and after the war. Before Hitler was defeated, he had murdered six million Jews and nearly as many other Europeans. At war's end, German and Soviet killing sites fell behind the Iron Curtain, leaving the history of mass killing in darkness.
Assiduously researched, deeply humane, and utterly definitive, Bloodlands is a new kind of European history, presenting the mass murders committed by the Nazi and Stalinist regimes as two aspects of a single story. Bloodlands is a required reading for anyone seeking to understand the central tragedy of modern history and its meaning today.
- Print length560 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherBasic Books
- Publication dateOctober 12, 2010
- Grade level11 and up
- Reading age13 years and up
- Dimensions6.38 x 1.63 x 9.63 inches
- ISBN-109780465002399
- ISBN-13978-0465002399
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Editorial Reviews
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Review
"A superb and harrowing history."―Financial Times
"Genuinely shattering.... I have never seen a book like it."―Istvan Deak, New Republic
"A brave and original history of mass killing in the twentieth century."―Anne Applebaum, New York Review of Books
"A magisterial work.... Snyder's account in engaging, encyclopedic."―Foreign Affairs
"Gripping and comprehensive.... Mr. Snyder's book is revisionist history of the best kind: in spare, closely argued prose, with meticulous use of statistics, he makes the reader rethink some of the best-known episodes in Europe's modern history."―Economist
"Snyder...compels us to look squarely at the full range of destruction committed first by Stalin's regime and then by Hitler's Reich.... A comprehensive and eloquent account."―New York Times Book Revew
"A superb work of scholarship, full of revealing detail, cleverly compiled...and in places beautifully written.... Snyder does justice to the horror of his subject through the power of storytelling."―The Sunday Times (London)
About the Author
He has spent some ten years in Europe, and speaks five and reads ten European languages. Among his publications are several award-winning books, all of which have been translated: Nationalism, Marxism, and Modern Central Europe: A Biography of Kazimierz Kelles-Krauz; The Reconstruction of Nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569-1999; Sketches from a Secret War: A Polish Artist's Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine; The Red Prince: The Secret Lives of a Habsburg Archduke; On Tyranny; and The Road to Unfreedom. He has written for publications including the New York Review of Books, the New York Times, Foreign Affairs, the Times Literary Supplement, Nation, the New Republic, the International Herald Tribune, and the Wall Street Journal.
Product details
- ASIN : 0465002390
- Publisher : Basic Books; 1st edition (October 12, 2010)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 560 pages
- ISBN-10 : 9780465002399
- ISBN-13 : 978-0465002399
- Reading age : 13 years and up
- Grade level : 11 and up
- Item Weight : 1.81 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.38 x 1.63 x 9.63 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #93,351 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #97 in German History (Books)
- #146 in Jewish Holocaust History
- #641 in World War II History (Books)
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About the author

Timothy Snyder is one of the world’s leading historians, and a prominent public intellectual in the United States and Europe. An expert on eastern Europe and on the Second World War, he has written acclaimed and prize-winning books about twentieth-century European history, as well as political manifestos and analyses about the rise of tyranny in the contemporary world. His work has been translated into more than forty languages, and has inspired protest, art, and music. He serves as the Levin Professor of History and Public Affairs at Yale University and is the faculty advisor of the Fortunoff Archive for Holocaust Video Testimonies. He is also a permanent fellow of the Institute for Human Sciences in Vienna.
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Ukrainians are begging us today to free them from the Holodomor denying Russians. I hate to admit this, but I did not even understand what the Holodomor was. The "History" books sold me on the lie that Stalin was just doing what he had to do to establish the Soviet state and the Kulaks were a resistance group who had to be "dealt with". And there is the bizarre conundrum that Stalin was right ... the Kulaks and other dissenters who were shipped to the Gulag saved the Soviets by establishing industry in Siberia. We know that Stalin's brutality saved Russia (barely) in World War 2. I have always thought that this indisputable fact justified whatever Stalin did. But I know now that Ukrainians can never forget the Holodomor genocide. And the Russians have made an inexcusable mistake in denying that the Holodomor occurred.
It is crucial to understand the Historical facts presented here in light of the Ukrainian/Russian crisis.
The Hitler vs. Stalin Genocide comparison quickly reveals that there was not one Holocaust, but many. The author's premise that you need to compare genocides statistically in order to understand their true nature is clearly demonstrated. I must say that the planned starvation of the Ukrainian Holodomor exceeds by far any evil that can be conceived of. Stalin's wife did the right thing in shooting herself in the heart as a response to what Stalin was doing to the Ukrainians. Bloodlands relies on statistics from documents made available since the fall of the Soviet empire to expose the reality of what actually happened. The statistical analysis is backed up by humanizing eyewitness accounts. The author reduced me to tears repeatedly with the sorrowful vignettes he selected to elucidate what the cold statistics meant.
When I started reading Bloodlands I was attracted by some of the Horrific statements made in the Preface but it was not clear to me what Timothy Snyder meant when he said that in order to understand Genocide you need to compare one Genocide to other Genocides. But it very quickly became clear that the Hollywood version of the Nazi concentration camps was quite civilized compared to brutal Einsatzgruppen massacres like Babi Yar. 90% of Holocaust deaths involved the victims being rounded up, thrown in a pit and shot on the spot. It was just in your face DEATH with no death camps or sad family goodbyes. I have watched footage of the shootings and now understand why Jews were so passive and simply lay down in the pits to be slaughtered. They were completely dehumanized and facing atrocities on a scale where it was better to be shot and get it over with.
Victims don't write history but Timothy Snyder has done an eloquent job of speaking for them.
Anyone who wants to understand this book needs to watch the actual murder footage on the Internet. (Einsatzgruppen, Holodomor, WW2 etc, It's all out there. Sickening stuff, but inescapable.) There is no hiding behind propaganda and lies in today's world ... the footage that is out there confirms what Bloodlands says.
An important aspect of Bloodlands is to bring the individuals who suffered such atrocities to life. In addition to being a great student of History Timothy Snyder is also a great writer. He has a keen sense of how spirtuality manifests itself in every day life. We clearly see the people who are being massacred in human terms. After looking at the stats we are presented with a heartbreaking story of a simple human being who was senselessly and needlessly slaughtered.
Bloodlands makes it clear from the outset that the German accounts of the Holocaust represent an insignificant 2% of the victims. We are introduced to the other 98% along the way. And we are presented with many surreal scenarios that were commonplace. Eg. A Ukrainian man is captured by the invading Bolsheviks and serves in the Red Army. He runs away to join Nationalist Partisans, is captured by the Nazis and fights for them against the Bolsheviks. He is again captured by the Bolsheviks and is sent to Siberia. Seemingly bizarre examples demonstrate the ephemeral nature of survival in the Bloodlands.
What is clear is that since the Bloodlands were occupied twice by the Bolsheviks and once by the Nazis the hapless victims had no chance of self determination whatsoever. And if they survived at all they were fortunate.
In considering what the message of this book is, the author is clear in his intentions to avoid political intrigues and focus on the Bloodlands as a source of food that was essential for both the Nazis and the Bolsheviks. What is shown here is that when survival is on the line, there are no laws that can govern the atrocities people are forced to commit. Since we are approaching population levels where food is becoming scarce again we need to remember; Russians are not just posturing over the Ukraine, that is their breadbasket. We need to understand the history of this region and how dangerous Russian denial of Holodomor is. Ukrainians won't accept that any more than Israelis will accept Holocaust deniers.
At least the Holocaust is recognized by most people. Holodomor is not. We cannot comprehend how the Ukrainians must feel.
One of the greatest atrocities in history and it's not even recognized. This is what I learned from Bloodlands;
The victims of these atrocities are still here with us. They are Ukrainians. World War 2 is not over.
If Ukrainians feel the way I think they feel, then the current situation is a life/death struggle that cannot be settled
peacefully. Russian leaders need to learn a lesson from Pope John Paul II; he was the last person who needed to apologize for the massacre of Jews in Poland. Yet he did apologize because he recognized that it was a necessary step in the healing process.
Timothy Snyder has big balls as a man in taking on this subject. It is clear to me why Historians simply want nothing to do with it. Reading the facts quite simply made me sick to my stomach. I can't imagine how the author remained immersed in this material for years. As readers we are indebted to him for providing an undeniable resource regarding the Genocides in Eastern Europe. By providing statistical analysis backed up by concrete examples he refutes those who seek to replace Historical fact with Nationalist Revisionist History. Bloodlands brings to mind the old axiom: Those who cannot learn from history are destined to repeat it.
One such number is 33,761. That is the number of Jews shot at Babi Yar, near Kiev, in the Ukraine. On numerous occasions throughout this monumental and essential history, Timothy Snyder uses very precise figures such as 33,761. Admittedly, it rubbed me the wrong way, since in the world of much uncertainty, as Heisenberg and others have proclaimed, it is impossible to know such a number, with that type of certainty and precision. But on the very last page of his account, the author, a Yale historian, explained fully why it is so important to use the “odd” number. It is the humanity that is revealed in the “1”, which can be multiplied by a million or more. It is the fragments of the stories of individuals who once had a real name, that have been preserved in diaries, or the memories of others, or simply a departing sentence scratched on a wall.
Snyder does also use “round” numbers, as in 14,000,000. That is his estimate of the number of CIVILIAN deaths in an area he defines as the “Bloodlands,” between 1933 and 1945. It is an area that stretches from St. Petersburg in the north, encompasses the entire eastern shore of the Baltic to Danzig, all of Poland, and on, down to the entire Crimea, and touching the Don River in the east. One of the many strengths of this book is the numerous excellent maps set within the narrative. His contributions to our understanding of what happened in that space and time are numerous. Central is his examination of the disparate motives behind these numerous deaths, and to present a “balanced” account, in a world of madness. Snyder starts in the Ukraine, with Stalin’s efforts to collectivize agriculture, which lead to the death, by starvation, of millions. Many others were deported to the “Gulag.” Next there was the “Terror,” in the late ‘30’s, in which Stalin purged many in the leadership ranks of the Soviet Union, with a particular focus on the Poles. In fact, the “Polish Military Organization” was simply invented for the purpose of justifying the terror. Though the Soviet Union promoted an image of their tolerance towards minorities, which many in the West, probably at one time including myself, accepted, with the “you can make an omelet without breaking a few eggs” rationalization, Snyder concludes otherwise, to a stark degree. Next there was the brief period that Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union were allies, which, in part, resulted in the partition of Poland between them, and the calculated decimation of the Polish leadership.
What more can be said about the Holocaust and the Jews? Actually, quite a lot, I found. Once again, Snyder condemns best in measured, factual analysis. He deals with the “big picture,” and demonstrates how, after the German failure to take Moscow in 1941, that the destruction of European Jewry became a wartime German objective. He names numerous concentration camps I had never heard of, because they were taken by the Red Army. Prior to reading Snyder’s account I was under the impression that the gas chambers had to be constructed because there was some natural “limit” whereby soldiers could not be ordered to shoot and kill unarmed men, woman and children, and be expected to obey. The soldiers themselves would simply rebel and refuse to participate in these heinous crimes. Not so, apparently, as the author documents how so very many were simply shot, including all those at Babi Yar.
Amos Oz, the Israeli novelist once proclaimed that “the dead of the Six Day War belong to all of us; the dead of the Lebanese War belong only to their mother’s.” Snyder posits a similar issue concerning a Soviet Ukrainian Jew who had once lived in an area considered to be Poland. She can be claimed by four different national entities; who does she belong to? And to what political purpose today will these entities use her death? And like Bernard Schlick’s principle character in The Reader , who is accused of war crimes, but asks the Judge: “What would you have done?” and receives no reply, Snyder cautions against assuming the identity of the victim, and raises the issue of what people who are just “trying to get by” will do in order to stay alive… including being Jewish policeman in the ghetto.
My first efforts to obtain a different vantage point on the Second World War, other than the one I was brought up on, as an American, that is, Pearl Harbor and D-Day, was reading Alexander Werth’s Russia at War: 1941-1945 , in the ‘60’s. William Shirer proclaimed it to be “the best book we probably shall ever have in English on Russia at war.” I found it strange therefore that in Snyder’s extensive 37 page bibliography, it is never mentioned. Of course, some of Werth’s information and opinions, as set forth in 1964, are outdated and have been superseded. For example, Werth had left it an open question as to who killed the Polish officers in the Katyn Forest, the Soviets or the Nazis. We now know for certain it was the former, and Snyder details this.
I also compared accounts concerning the doomed Warsaw uprising of 1944. I found Snyder’s account less rigorous, with the implicit assumption that the Russians had simply stopped, for no particular reason, and allowed the Poles to be slaughter as a result. Werth seemed to be much more explicit and detailed, clearly condemning “…the awkward questions of the Moscow radio appeals at the end of July to the people of Warsaw to ‘rise’… and the Russian refusal to let supply planes from the West land on Soviet airfields.” Also, it was clearly in Stalin’s interest to allow the Polish elites again to be decimated. Nonetheless, Werth quotes the German general, Heinz Guderian on the inability of the Russians to take Warsaw, cites the failure to cross the Vistula in July, with a loss of 30 Russian tanks, and Werth concludes: “The only conclusion this author, at any rate, has been able to reach is that in August and September, 1944, the available Red Army forces in Poland were genuinely not able to capture Warsaw, which Hitler was determined to hold.” At a minimum, I think Snyder should have at least addressed this issue, and Werth’s knowledge of the matter.
Despite the above one flaw, I consider this an essential historical work. 6-stars.
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Auf der Metaebene protokolliert Snyder das Zeitalter der Ideologien, den Mythos des 20. Jahrhunderts, das im Ringen um ideologische und territoriale Vorherrschaft zwischen der marxistisch-leninistisch-stalinistischen klassistischen Variante des Sozialismus und der rassistisch-faschistischen nationalsozialistischen Variante des Sozialismus seinen tödlichen Gipfelpunkt fand. Die Verschränkung zwischen Bolschewismus und Nationalsozialismus tritt deutlich hervor, ebenso die Art- und Wahlverwandtschaft zwischen beiden, der allmählichen Anverwandlung des Anderen im jeweils eigenen und der daraus resultierenden Eskalation an Gewalt, Völkermord und Vertreibung.
Die sowjetischen Morde, die geplanten Hungersnöte, die Konzentrationslager, die Vertreibungen und ethnischen Säuberungen gingen jenen der Nationalsozialisten vor, bildeten aber auch den Referenzrahmen für nationalsozialistisches Handeln. Die "antibolschewistischen Bolschewisten" (Zitat: Joseph Goebbels) waren gelehrige Schüler ihrer bolschewistischen Todfeinde und Lehrmeister. Wo der Bolschewismus Klassenfeinde vernichtete (und zunehmend Klassenfeinde mit ganzen Nationalitäten gleichsetzte, siehe "Polenaktion", "Ukraineaktion" und Säuberungen in den besetzten baltischen Staaten), wollte der Nationalsozialismus die Rassenfeinde der Arier vernichten, die er zugleich als Träger des bolschewistischen Virus ansah, die Juden. Im nationalsozialistischen Ansatz verschränkten sich Rassenhass mit Klassenhass (das Ziehen der Goldzähne, die Ausplünderung der Juden vor ihrer Ermordung und der Umverteilung dieses Wohlstandes an bedürftige Volksgenossen, sind Tatsachen des Klassenhasses, s.a. Götz Aly, Volksstaat), der zunächst gar nicht exterminatorisch war, sondern anglehnt an das bolschewistische Vorbild, Vertreibung der Juden nach Sibirien oder Madagaskar vorsah. Mörderisch wurde die angedachte Endlösung erst als im Winter 1941 klar wurde, dass der Weltanschauungskrieg im Osten zuungunsten der nationalsozialistischen Variante beendet würde. Zumindest der Krieg gegen den Rassen- und Klassenfeind sollte dann noch gewonnen werden.
Wo NKWD (direkter Vorläufer des KGB und heutigen FSB), flankiert von wohlwollenden und sympathisierenden westlichen Literaten und Journalisten, leidlich klandestin Verschleppungen, Ermordungen und Konzentrationslager betreiben konnte, blieben diese Privilegien dem Nationalsozialismus von vornherein verschlossen und so steigerte sich das nationalsozialistische Morden hin zu einem Crescendo einer Symphonie des Grauens 1944 nach dem Warschauer Aufstand. Die Erzählung an dieser Stelle evoziert Bilder eines Hieronymus Bosch, dessen Teufel in Gestalt der Mörder, Vergewaltiger, Diebe und Geistesgestörten der SS-Sonderbrigade Dirlewanger ihre Widergänger fanden. Das Ringen der verschränkten Ideologien fand seinen Höhepunkt in einem unwirklichen, satanischen, perversen Karneval der Gewalt.
"Befreit" wurde von der Roten Armee anschließend niemand, außer vielleicht ein paar Juden in den übriggebliebenen Konzentrationslagern. Für die Übrigen gingen die Verschleppungen, Vertreibungen und Morde unter anderen Vorzeichen, wenn auch vermindert, weiter. Das Feuer der großen ideologischen Auseinandersetzung sollte noch bis Anfang der 1950er Jahre glimmen und in einer perversen aber folgerichtigen imitatio, eignete sich das nun zum Nationalkommunismus gewendete stalinistische Regime Kernpunkte der nationalsozialistsichen Ideologie an. Die Juden wurden im sog. Ostblock ab 1948 wie einst unter Hitler als unzuverlässige, zersetzende Elemente und "Kosmopoliten" geschmäht; eine anti-semitische Kampagne nach der Vorlage des Großen Terror 1937-38, eine "Judenaktion", zeichnete sich bereits am Horizont ab - nur der Tod Stalins ließ es nicht zum Äußersten kommen.
Die Sowjetunion hatte das Ringen für sich entschieden, aber sie hatte den Nationalsozialismus buchstäblich verschlungen und ihre eigene DNA mit der des NS vermischt. Eine kapitalistische Sowjetunion war stets undenkbar gewesen, aber eine Sowjetunion erweitert um nationalsozialistische Elemente nicht; das ist die Wahlverwandtschaft aller sozialistischen Varianten und Häresien.
Snyder bestätigt nicht die These Ernst Noltes vom Kausalen Nexus, für welche Letzterer 1985 von der linken deutschen Haute Volée gecancelt wurde, wie man heute sagen würde, aber er widerlegt sie auch nicht. Beide Ideologien führen ihre Wurzeln auf den Sozialismus zurück, beide haben sich verschränkt, bekämpft und von Vernichtungswillen getrieben einander anverwandelt. Der Bolschewismus kam zuerst, der Nationalsozialismus ahmte nach, überflügelte dann, wurde zerschmettert; der Bolschewismus blieb übrig, aber verwandelt da auch er nachahmte und anverwandelte. Das ist sozialistische Dialektik im Weltmaßstab und das hat Nolte nicht gesehen, Snyder aber durchaus.
Dies relativiert nicht den Holocaust, aber es historisiert ihn, setzt ihn in Beziehung als eine Funktion einer gescheiterten sozialistischen Utopie die sich gegenüber einer anders gelagerten sozialistischen Utopie nicht durchzusetzen vermochte.
Das Schicksal der Juden war allen egal. Sowjets, Engländer und Amerikaner wussten von der Vernichtungstaten der deutschen Nationalsozialisten aber es spielte keine Rolle in einem Ringen in dem es um Vorherrschaft ging. Und so saßen denn in Nürnberg, Mordbrenner, Massenmörder, die Architekten ethnischer Säuberungen und (im Falle der Sowjets, die Betreiber von Konzentrationslagern) über Mordbrenner, Massenmörder, Architekten ethnischer Säuberungen und Betreiber von Konzentrationslagern zu Gericht.
Dir Urteile von Nürnberg die in der Erinnerungspolitk der BRD den Rang von Gottesurteilen einnehmen, erscheinen als eine Farce von Justiz und die in Nürnberg aufgestellten Grundsätze sind heuchlerisch als sie nicht auch gegen diejenigen angewandt wurden - und werden - die nicht wehrlos waren bzw. sind. Göring et. al. hatten nur das Pech das Ringen um Vorherrschaft verloren zu haben.
Snyders Werk ist ein revisionistisches Werk und daraus erklärt sich wohl auch die kühle Aufnahme die dieses Buch in Deutschland gefunden hat. Revisionismus ist in Deutschland von tonangebenden Eliten (die allesamt bolschewistische Vergangenheiten und anhaltende Sympathien haben) negativ konnotiert worden. Dabei ist Revision lediglich das Fortschreiten der Geschichtswissenschaft. Die Einordnung von neuen Erkenntnissen in einen historisch-sozialen Kontext.
Die Revision des Zeitalters der Ideologien ist noch lange nicht abgeschlossen und die auf den post-Nürnberg blühenden Mythen und ihren eigenen Geschichtslügen aufbauende Bundesrepublik erscheint zunehmend unglaubwürdig in ihrem Beharren auf ahistorische Schuldbezeugungen und der Einzigartigkeit des den Deutschen innewohnenden All-Bösen. Diese Lügen könnten sich noch als Stolperstein des "besten Deutschlands aller Zeiten" erweisen.
And why not?
What better way for the victims to be recognised and remembered? The innocents who have suffered because of the inbuilt ignorance and prejudice of the state proponents of hate. They deserve to have their story told and Snyder's naming of the some of the victims is more than just a sentimental literary device - it is a form of justice of which he should be proud and of which the reader should be mindful.
And what better person to evaluate it all than a non-European such as Timothy Snyder? His gaze is unrelenting, his conclusions comprehensive as well as humane. Snyder's national objectivity is put to good use and is fair in its conclusions as he turns over the historical record.
The sheer scale of human suffering - firstly explored under Stalin and then under Hitler from the years 1933 to 1945 - is simply staggering to the point of overwhelming. The people caught in the lands between Berlin and Moscow were subjected to what a can only be described as the ideological sausage machines dominating the West and East at the time.
I have always been pro European but understood that Europe itself (Western to central Europe and right up to the Russian border) can be seen as one mass graveyard of human beings, of nations even. This is what has made the EU so important to me - I'd rather Europe be a place of fields of plenty for all (food) rather than killing fields as history points out to us it has been far too many times previously.
It is also clear that the Europe before WWII was a place of inter-woven peoples that almost made the notion of statehood look somewhat ridiculous, even superfluous, artificial even. German speaking Czechs and Poles, Polish speaking Germans or Ukrainians - the sheer mixture of peoples and ethnicities (diversity) is staggering and thought provoking.
It is nationalism itself that Snyder tells us is the culprit - nationalism is the unnatural, inhuman law at work here make no mistake about it. People will live where they can live - not where so-called leaders put imaginary lines on maps. They will speak the language they need to speak, till the good land that they can find and work with their neighbours to survive and worship their God as they see fit. To live and be happy.
And then there are the Jews. Today Poland is seen as a Roman Catholic country but I had no idea that before WWII Poland was a major Jewish settlement - a centre for Jewry in Europe. Incredible to think when you look at it now. And as for Poland - it needs and deserves a thorough account of what happened during these times caught between these two titanic forces - Nazism and Soviet style cod communism.
And now as others have noted (Keith Lowe in 'The Fear & the Freedom' or E.M Douglas 'Orderly and Humane' for example) we actually have less ethnic diversity (heterogeneity) in Europe and more homogeneous populations that seem ripe and easy prey for excessive and dangerous nationalism in countries that are now under pressure from migrants from Africa and the near East.
It's a heady brew - basically both Hitler and Stalin somehow live on in Europe in the scars created by the nations left behind by their polices after the conflict subsided.
Did it ever really end? Perhaps not - perhaps we Europeans even now are walking with tigers? But how well do we understand this?
Snyder is philosophical about this and sets an example of what we should be thinking when confronted with evaluating the likes of Hitler and Stalin. He repudiates revenge and an eye for an eye and says instead (p. 400):
'To yield to this temptation, to find other people to be inhuman, is to take a step toward not away from, the Nazi position. To find other people incomprehensible is to abandon the search for understanding, and thus to abandon history.'
Indeed. That is where we need to start with the most basic and simple question when confronted by potentially destructive ideology: Why?
Highly recommended without reservation.














