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Chalmers A. Johnson

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Blowback, Second Edition: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire

by Chalmers Johnson (Author)

190 ratings

Part of: American Empire Project

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Now with a new and up-to-date Introduction by the author, the bestselling account of the effect of American global policies, hailed as “brilliant and iconoclastic” (Los Angeles Times)

The term “blowback,” invented by the CIA, refers to the unintended results of American actions abroad. In this incisive and controversial book, Chalmers Johnson lays out in vivid detail the dangers faced by our overextended empire, which insists on projecting its military power to every corner of the earth and using American capital and markets to force global economic integration on its own terms. From a case of rape by U.S. servicemen in Okinawa to our role in Asia’s financial crisis, from our early support for Saddam Hussein to our conduct in the Balkans, Johnson reveals the ways in which our misguided policies are planting the seeds of future disaster.

In a new edition that addresses recent international events from September 11 to the war in Iraq, this now classic book remains as prescient and powerful as ever.

Editorial Reviews

Review

“Blowback is expansive thinking . . . a straight-talking analysis of America’s global conduct during the Cold War and since, and what we’re going to pay for it.” —The Nation

“Johnson is on to something . . . It is indeed a new post–Cold War ballgame, and Johnson’s warning, if it were heeded in Washington, would help keep America safe from the temptation of untrammeled power.” —Newsday

About the Author

Chalmers Johnson, president of the Japan Policy Research Institute, is a frequent contributor to the Los Angeles Times and The Nation. Author of the forthcoming The Sorrows of Empire, and numerous books on Japan and Asia, including MITI and the Japanese Miracle and Japan: Who Governs?, he lives in southern California.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

1
BLOWBACK
Northern Italian communities had, for years, complained about lowflying American military aircraft. In February 1998, the inevitable happened. A Marine Corps EA-6B Prowler with a crew of four, one of scores of advanced American jet fighters and bombers stationed at places like Aviano, Cervia, Brindisi, and Sigonella, sliced through a ski-lift cable near the resort town of Cavalese and plunged twenty people riding in a single gondola to their deaths on the snowy slopes several hundred feet below. Although marine pilots are required to maintain an altitude of at least one thousand feet (two thousand, according to the Italian government), the plane had cut the cable at a height of 360 feet. It was traveling at 621 miles per hour when 517 miles per hour was considered the upper limit. The pilot had been performing low-level acrobatics while his copilot took pictures on videotape (which he later destroyed).
In response to outrage in Italy and calls for vigorous prosecution of those responsible, the marine pilots argued that their charts were inaccurate, that their altimeter had not worked, and that they had not consulted U.S. Air Force units permanently based in the area about local hazards. A court-martial held not in Italy but in Camp Lejeune, North Carolina, exonerated everyone involved, calling it a “training accident.” Soon after, President Bill Clinton apologized and promised financial compensation to the victims, but on May 14, 1999, Congress dropped the provision for aid to the families because of opposition in the House of Representatives and from the Pentagon.1
This was hardly the only such incident in which American service personnel victimized foreign civilians in the post–Cold War world. From Germany and Turkey to Okinawa and South Korea, similar incidents have been common—as has been their usual denouement. The United States government never holds politicians or higher-ranking military officers responsible and seldom finds that more should be done beyond offering pro forma apologies and perhaps financial compensation of some, often minimal sort.
On rare occasions, as with the Italian cable cutting, when such a local tragedy rises to the level of global news, what often seems strangest to Americans is the level of national outrage elsewhere over what the U.S. media portray as, at worst, an apparently isolated incident, however tragic to those involved. Certainly, the one subject beyond discussion at such moments is the fact that, a decade after the end of the Cold War, hundreds of thousands of American troops, supplied with the world’s most advanced weaponry, sometimes including nuclear arms, are stationed on over sixty-one base complexes in nineteen countries worldwide, using the Department of Defense’s narrowest definition of a “major installation”; if one included every kind of installation that houses representatives of the American military, the number would rise to over eight hundred.2 There are, of course, no Italian air bases on American soil. Such a thought would be ridiculous. Nor, for that matter, are there German, Indonesian, Russian, Greek, or Japanese troops stationed on Italian soil. Italy is, moreover, a close ally of the United States, and no conceivable enemy nation endangers its shores.
All this is almost too obvious to state—and so is almost never said. It is simply not a matter for discussion, much less of debate in the land of the last imperial power. Perhaps similar thinking is second nature to any imperium. Perhaps the Romans did not find it strange to have their troops in Gaul, nor the British in South Africa. But what is unspoken is no less real, nor does it lack consequences just because it is not part of any ongoing domestic discussion.
I believe it is past time for such a discussion to begin, for Americans to consider why we have created an empire—a word from which we shy away—and what the consequences of our imperial stance may be for the rest of the world and for ourselves. Not so long ago, the way we garrisoned the world could be discussed far more openly and comfortably because the explanation seemed to lie at hand—in the very existence of the Soviet Union and of communism. Had the Italian disaster occurred two decades earlier, it would have seemed no less a tragedy, but many Americans would have argued that, given the Cold War, such incidents were an unavoidable cost of protecting democracies like Italy against the menace of Soviet totalitarianism. With the disappearance of any military threat faintly comparable to that posed by the former Soviet Union, such “costs” have become easily avoidable. American military forces could have been withdrawn from Italy, as well as from other foreign bases, long ago. That they were not and that Washington instead is doing everything in its considerable powers to perpetuate Cold War structures, even without the Cold War’s justification, places such overseas deployments in a new light. They have become striking evidence, for those who care to look, of an imperial project that the Cold War obscured. The byproducts of this project are likely to build up reservoirs of resentment against all Americans—tourists, students, and businessmen, as well as members of the armed forces—that can have lethal results.
For any empire, including an unacknowledged one, there is a kind of balance sheet that builds up over time. Military crimes, accidents, and atrocities make up only one category on the debit side of the balance sheet that the United States has been accumulating, especially since the Cold War ended. To take an example of quite a different kind of debit, consider South Korea, a longtime ally. On Christmas Eve 1997, it declared itself financially bankrupt and put its economy under the guidance of the International Monetary Fund, which is basically an institutional surrogate of the United States government. Most Americans were surprised by the economic disasters that overtook Thailand, South Korea, Malaysia, and Indonesia in 1997 and that then spread around the world, crippling the Russian and Brazilian economies. They could hardly imagine that the U.S. government might have had a hand in causing them, even though various American pundits and economists expressed open delight in these disasters, which threw millions of people, who had previously had hopes of achieving economic prosperity and security, into the most abysmal poverty. At worst, Americans took the economic meltdown of places like Indonesia and Brazil to mean that beneficial American-supported policies of “globalization” were working—that we were effectively helping restructure various economies around the world so that they would look and work more like ours.
Above all, the economic crisis of 1997 was taken as evidence that our main doctrinal competitors—the high-growth capitalist economies of East Asia—were hardly either as competitive or as successful as they imagined. In a New Year’s commentary, the columnist Charles Krauthammer mused, “Our success is the success of the American capitalist model, which lies closer to the free market vision of Adam Smith than any other. Much closer, certainly, than Asia’s paternalistic crony capitalism that so seduced critics of the American system during Asia’s now-burst bubble.”3
As the global crisis deepened, the thing our government most seemed to fear was that contracts to buy our weapons might now not be honored. That winter, Secretary of Defense William Cohen made special trips to Jakarta, Bangkok, and Seoul to cajole the governments of those countries to use increasingly scarce foreign exchange funds to pay for the American fighter jets, missiles, warships, and other hardware the Pentagon had sold them before the economic collapse. He also stopped in Tokyo to urge on a worried Japanese government a big sale not yet agreed to. He wanted Japan to invest in the theater missile defense system, or TMD, antimissile missiles that the Pentagon has been trying to get the Japanese to buy for a decade. No one knew then or knows now whether the TMD will even work—in fifteen years of intercept attempts only a few missiles in essentially doctored tests have hit their targets—but it is unquestionably expensive, and arms sales, both domestic and foreign, have become one of the Pentagon’s most important missions.
I believe the profligate waste of our resources on irrelevant weapons systems and the Asian economic meltdown, as well as the continuous trail of military “accidents” and of terrorist attacks on American installations and embassies, are all portents of a twenty-first-century crisis in America’s informal empire, an empire based on the projection of military power to every corner of the world and on the use of American capital and markets to force global economic integration on our terms, at whatever costs to others. To predict the future is an undertaking no thoughtful person would rush to embrace. What form our imperial crisis is likely to take years or even decades from now is, of course, impossible to know. But history indicates that, sooner or later, empires do reach such moments, and it seems reasonable to assume that we will not miraculously escape that fate.
What we have freed ourselves of, however, is any genuine consciousness of how we might look to others on this globe. Most Americans are probably unaware of how Washington exercises its global hegemony, since so much of this activity takes place either in relative secrecy or under comforting rubrics. Many may, as a start, find it hard to believe that our place in the world even adds up to an empire. But only when we come to see our country as both profiting from and trapped within the structures of an empire of its own making will it be possible for us to explain many elements of the world that otherwise perplex us. Without good explanations, we cannot possibly produce policies that will bring us sustained peace and prosperity in a post–Cold War world. What has gone wr...

Product details

ASIN ‏ : ‎ B007SRWNM6
Publisher ‏ : ‎ Holt Paperbacks (January 4, 2004)
Language ‏ : ‎ English
Paperback ‏ : ‎ 304 pages
Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 10.4 ounces
Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 5.5 x 0.75 x 8.25 inches

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Chalmers A. Johnson

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Chalmers Johnson, president of the Japan Policy Research Institute, is the author of the bestselling Blowback and The Sorrows of Empire. A frequent contributor to the Los Angeles Times, the London Review of Books, and The Nation, he appeared in the 2005 prizewinning documentary film Why We Fight. He lives near San Diego.

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Customers find the book eye-opening and incredibly informative, with one review describing it as a wonderful contemporary explanation. Moreover, the writing style receives positive feedback, with one customer noting its brilliant command of the obvious. Additionally, customers appreciate the book's value for money, describing it as priceless.

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Customers find the book highly readable, describing it as eye-opening and incredibly informative, with one customer noting it serves as a great introduction to the subject matter.

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C. Collins
A landmark and masterpiece of foreign policy analysis
Reviewed in the United States on December 14, 2005
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Wow, this is a great book. Chalmers Johnson has written a major foreign policy critique that is well documented, well reasoned, and well written. The book deserves more than 5 stars. The next President of the United States, be he/she a Republican or Democrat, would be well advised to read this book.

When I read, I underline unique and insightful observations by the author. In this book, over 85% of the book was underlined when I finished the last page.

I would like to give you just a few of the points that Johnson offers in the book:

Johnson believes that our recent foreign policy has been handled poorly and that in fact our policies are stimulating our enemies around the globe to organize against us. Johnson produces considerable amounts of evidence and analysis to indicate that our foreign policy has come to be dominated by our Department of Defense and the CIA at the expense of the State Department. Though Johnson never brings us the subject, it reminded me of the argument presented in Margaret Tuchman's Guns of August that this happened in World War I, where military actions were taken unilaterally with little diplomacy prior to the war. The generals out-maneuvered the diplomats and was was the result.

Johnson shows careful documentation and analysis to indicate that this faulty foreign policy is a holdover from the Cold War, which the Soviets lost 15 years ago, but which the United States may lose in the future because of our clinging to Cold War military, foreign, and economic policies. This is the actual core of the book and Johnson offers tremedous documentation of how this is true with examples regarding our relationships with Japan, South Korea, North Korea, China, Taiwan, Indonesia, Vietnam, the Phillipines, Singapore, Malysia, Hong Kong, Thailand, and Cambodia. The chapters on Japan, the two Koreas, and China demonstrated some of the most unique and thoughtful and documented analysis that is currently being offered to the general American public.

Blowback is a CIA term for unintended consequences of foreign, military, or clandestine policies. Johnson warns us that unless we awaken to the effects our policies have on the other nations that we will continue to invite contempt and terrorist solutions against us. He further points out that we are in a Blowback period, a post Cold War period, in which we have not yet recovered from Cold War thinking. The power of the US Military is one example. Johnson would even argue that the US Military is barely under the control of the Congress and the President, threatening to dictate national relationships and dynamics independent of the State Department.

An example of fully realized Blowback is when the CIA overthrew Iran's prime minister in 1953 and set up Shan Pahlavi, only to have the Shah eventually overthrown by his people in favor of a Moslem fundamentalistic theocracy. We are still experiencing Blowback from that series of events.

A second example of Blowback that is very recent is the US efforts to train and support Islamic fundamentalists in Afhanistan during the Carter,Reagan, and Bush administrations so as to assist them as they fought the Soviets, only to see these same strategies and weapons turned against us in the 9-11 crisis. He quotes from Brezezinski: What is more important in world history? The Taliban or the collapse of the Soviet empire?" A good argument prior to 9-11, but now increasingly seen that we traded one form of Communist resistance against our Empire for another form of resistance from the world of Islam. Johnson would argue that we have not yet received the blowback for our involvment in Afghanistan where there have now been 1.8 million Afghan casulaties, 2.6 milion refugees,and 10 million unexploded landmines between the Soviet invasion and the 9-11 aftermath that overthrew the Taliban.

In the first edition of the book, President Bill Clinton, Secretary of State Albright and Secretary of Defense Cohen are repeatedly identified for disasterous policies. However, in the second edition, Chalmers Johnson added an updated introduction, where he clearly reveals that President Bush, Vice President Cheney, Secretary of State Powell, NSC Advisor Rice, Defense Secretary Rumsfield, and Assistant Defense Secretary Wolfowitz are just as calamitous if not more so than the previous administration. His critiques go beyond partisan issues and focus on the current schizophernic policies we maintain where we act as one nation trying to live in a happy neighborhood with our other nation neighbors when in fact our policies are the policies of empire. Gore Vidal has long argued that there is no real difference between Democrats and Republicans when it comes to the policies of American Empire building and maintenance, and Chalmers Johnson certainly reveals the evidence and the analysis to support this argument.

In the new Introduction of the book, Johnson points out that the Saudi Royal family is in danger of losing control of their country as part of the pattern of Blwback against US policy that supports this corrupt monarchy so long as they keep the oil pumping for our SUVs. Johnson conducts an analysis of terrorism based on its strategic objectives which usually has a goal of overturning the structures that are viewed as most unjust by converting them to unstable revolutionary situations. However a goal of terrorism is to provoke ruling entities to over-react, the more military the overreaction is in nature, the more potential it has of alienating the masses.

The chapter on Okinawa, an island virtually owned by the US Military, reveals the degree of business advantage we will give the Japanese in order to keep this massive military island. Japan has grown to the be second largest economy in the world through strategic alliance with the USA. Our industrial infrastructure has virtually disappeared while Japan has taken advantage of every trade agreement to keep US products out of Japan. We sacrificed Ford, GM, US Steel, and Republic Steel for Japan's alliance and continued support for our bases on Okinawa.

Our partnership with a corrupt South Korea and our continued misunderstanding of the concerns and dynamics of North Korea has led us to prop up corrupt military puppets in one nation and miss multiple opportunities for dialogue with the North. I was amazed at how the press has collaborated with our military elites to create an image of North Korea that does not account for the concerns and potentials for interaction of the North.

The chapters on China were some of the most fresh analysis of the evolution of the revolution. China has learned lessons from the fall of the Soviet Union and we should expect the markets developing there to be Chinese in nature, not weak copies of US capitalism.

Our relationship with Japan is extremely complex and Johnson certainly does a great job of unraveling this complexity so that the reader sees the high cost of winning the Cold War for the US. The Soviet Union may have lost Poland, but we lost Detroit. Japan was the real winner of the Cold War.

Military power does not constitute Leadership of the World. our poor un-informed American Public continues to think of our nation as benevolent. Yet the simple fact that 70% of our foreign aide goes to Israel for purchase of weapons, while we give 10% to Jordan and 10% to Egypt for not attacking Israel. The final leftover 10% goes to the continuing crises in the Carribean, African, Asia, and Latin America.

We rely on military power and economic manipulation rather than diplomacy, true economic aid, and use of multilateral institutions to exert our leadership.

We won the Cold War, so lets move on, change our militaristic strategies before our military budget sinks our entire nation the way the Soviet military expenditures sunk their empire.

China learned from Gorbachev, don't expect them to go down the same road as the Soviet Union. By 2020 they will have by-passed the United States as the world's largest economy. We are not ready, our head is in the sand, and we have no idea how to deal with the future that is fast rushing toward us. Johnson offers thoughtful strategies but they requrie rethinking our military empire and more willingness to accept monitary policies and interpretations of state managed captialism that our supply-side economists have yet to comprehend.

I can't wait to read another book by Johnson.

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Sahra Badou
A fascinating book.
Reviewed in the United States on April 1, 2008
Verified Purchase
`Blowback' is the term the CIA uses to refer to the unintended consequences of American actions abroad. The author makes the reader aware of the dangers faced by the US Empire, which he feels has been overextended, with about 19 military bases worldwide. The US insists on projecting its military power to every corner of the earth and to force global economic integration on its own terms. I remember once a Chinese leader commenting, "Why should we live by the standards set by the US?" In other words, who says the US way of life is the best there is and we should all follow it? This method of dictating what's right and what is not to the rest of the world angers a lot of people according to the author, and will one day cause a blowback against US interests.

The author asks, "Why are there still US bases in Japan?" He then asks if the American people would like it if other nations had military bases on US soil.

The US is not liked in Japan for many reasons. The US dropped two atomic bombs on them, one on Hiroshima and another on Nagasaki, killing many innocent women, children, and the elderly. The blowback from this atrocious act is still to come. Today such an act would be condemned worldwide. Could you imagine if India decided to nuke Pakistan, or North Korea nuked a neighboring country, what would the world's response be? Yet the US got away with it during World War II, even though Japan was on the verge of surrender before the atomic bombs were dropped. Killing civilians is unacceptable. If Russia had won the cold war, the US would today have been paying compensation to the Japanese, much like how Germany is still paying the state of Israel compensation for the atrocities it inflicted on the Jewish people under Hitler.

The author mentions rape cases on Okinawa committed by US soldiers based there. In one case, a 12 year old Japanese schoolgirl was gang raped by US soldiers. Japanese Families are upset because these soldiers are trialed in the US under US military laws which tend to be lenient with the soldiers. Furthermore, in many cases, by the time a lawsuit is brought against a US soldier, he or she no longer is on Okinawa. The US soldiers' duty time on Okinawa is only 6 months! Once a soldier leaves Japan, it is impossible for the Japanese families to bring him or her to justice. US soldiers based on Okinawa therefore get away with crimes.

Bases were also built on land owned by Japanese farmers without giving them compensation. Military maneuvers and artillery fire are constantly being performed on protected reefs around Okinawa. Furthermore, bullets made of depleted uranium at one point littered Okinawa's coast, but the Navy eventually cleaned up the shores after international pressure and outrage. How would American citizens feel if China or Russia had military bases on American soil, raped young American girls, took land from farmers without compensation, and polluted the US coast with UN prohibited depleted uranium bullets? How would the American people feel if crimes committed against them could not be trialed under US laws? For example, why didn't the soldiers involved in Abu Ghuraib prison in Iraq stand trial in an Iraqi court under Iraqi law? Similarly, the US fighter pilots involved in the cable car accident in Italy stood trial in the US and were found innocent! Why didn't they stand trial in Italy? This angered the Italians.

The author discusses Afghanistan and how the CIA started helping the Mujahedeen before the Russian invasion of Afghanistan, not after as is often believed. The CIA therefore used the Mujahedeen to fight the US war against the Soviets. Once the Soviets were defeated, the CIA dropped support for the Mujahedeen. The blowback was that the Mujahedeen turned against the US.

Interestingly, the author says that the US should withdraw all of its troops from the Middle East. If this is done, the author says, there would no longer be the hatred that Arab people feel today against the US. Imagine China had military bases in Canada, Mexico, and Cuba. How would the US people feel? Threatened? Unsafe? This is exactly how Arabs feel today.

The book also discusses the IMF and how it has destroyed the Indonesian economy. I thought that chapter on the IMF and globalization extremely interesting and thought provoking.

This is really a great book, and if you like reading Noam Chomsky, you will like this book. This book was originally published before 9/11, but has a new introduction on blowback in the post-9/11 world.

One thing to keep in mind: All empires throughout history have collapsed. The question to ask is `Why?' If the US can answer this question, it might just defeat the cycle of history.

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azteca
gruselig... wirklich gruselig...
Reviewed in Germany on December 6, 2013
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ein wirklich interessantes und meiner meinung nach gut recherchiertes buch, das schön systematisch darstellt, mit welcher methodik die amis alle gesetze der vernunft beiseite schieben und einen brandherd nach dem anderen am planeten zurücklassen.

damit auch in zukunft schön für teuere kriege gesorgt ist...

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本郷篤史
good condition
Reviewed in Japan on August 12, 2014
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My first encounter of this author dates back to my college days. I appreciate that the book was still available.

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Daisylonglegs
Great book
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on February 17, 2024
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Fascinating book. I would say in fair rather than good condition.

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Pacal Votan
Eye Opener
Reviewed in Canada on May 7, 2017
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This book caught me by surprise, and it DEFINITELY helps explain why the world is in such a mess right now. Very well researched and a very good read for sure.

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olena sen
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Reviewed in Canada on June 4, 2019
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Everything was as I expected! Thank you.

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5.0 out of 5 stars A landmark and masterpiece of foreign policy analysis

5.0 out of 5 stars A fascinating book.

Top reviews from other countries

5.0 out of 5 stars gruselig... wirklich gruselig...

4.0 out of 5 stars good condition

5.0 out of 5 stars Great book

5.0 out of 5 stars Eye Opener

5.0 out of 5 stars .

A landmark and masterpiece of foreign policy analysis

A fascinating book.

gruselig... wirklich gruselig...

good condition

Great book

Eye Opener

.