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Brits : The War Against the Ira Paperback – January 31, 2002
Peter Taylor (Author) Find all the books, read about the author, and more. See search results for this author |
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- Print length464 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherBloomsbury Pub Ltd
- Publication dateJanuary 31, 2002
- Dimensions5.08 x 1.1 x 7.8 inches
- ISBN-10074755806X
- ISBN-13978-0747558064
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Product details
- Publisher : Bloomsbury Pub Ltd; First Edition (January 31, 2002)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 464 pages
- ISBN-10 : 074755806X
- ISBN-13 : 978-0747558064
- Item Weight : 13.4 ounces
- Dimensions : 5.08 x 1.1 x 7.8 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #2,794,735 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #99,231 in World History (Books)
- Customer Reviews:
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One of the most interesting parts of the book, that I saw, was the period shortly following the initial blowup in 1969 when British troops were sent in as part of the effort to cool things down. This intervention was initially well-received by the Catholic population, the British being seen as protectors, and this early period might have led to a better course of events since the IRA had not opened up its military campaign against the British Army at this point. However, this didn't last long, and Taylor demonstrates why: British missteps and short-sightedness, Catholic impatience and the determination by elements of the IRA for military confrontation as part of their "Brits out" dreams. These led to the dreary, tragic history that we're familiar with, delaying deeper, more rapid reform and quicker reconciliation between the two religious communities for probably two generations at least.
Taylor's thorough rendition of the changing fortunes and policies of the British government made this reader more appreciative of the headaches experienced by the government, whether Labour or Conservative. Of the three main actors in the Ulster drama, this one clearly had the most difficult role. There were many mistakes (the bungled opportunity with the Catholic population, initially allowing special category status for IRA prisoners, the real but unacknowledged granting of concessions to IRA prisoners after the hunger strikes, the delay in imposing direct rule), missed chances (Sunningdale) and a too-long-in-coming but finally implemented practice of using the SAS as the tool with which to show the IRA that their campaign of force was going nowhere, slowly opening the way to a political settlement.
The Brits, as did the IRA and the loyalists, ended up settling for what many regarded as an unsatisfactory result. But that is often the outcome, and Taylor did a superb job with this history.
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A Dubliner called Cathal Goulding became the IRA's chief of staff in 1962. He and his leadership colleagues developed a Marxist analysis of the Irish situation, and to some extent steered the IRA away from 'physical force republicanism' towards political action. In 1969/70, republicans of a more traditional outlook broke away to form what became known as the Provisional IRA (PIRA) and Provisional Sinn Féin, although the latter is now known simply as Sinn Féin. The factions remaining loyal to the Goulding leadership were referred to as the Official IRA (OIRA) and Official Sinn Féin. (Later, Official Sinn Féin adopted the title Sinn Féin The Workers' Party. But in 1982, it renamed itself as simply the Workers' Party.)
'Brits' is part of a trilogy by Taylor concerning the recent Troubles. The other two books – neither of which I’ve read – focus, respectively, on the PIRA and the activities of loyalist paramilitaries. After the split in the old IRA, the PIRA went on to become the largest paramilitary organization on the Irish republican side. It killed more people than any other terrorist group during the Troubles. 'Brits' deals with the UK’s military and intelligence response to the PIRA, and the negotiations that finally led to the cessation of its armed campaign and that of most of the other paramilitary groups active during the Troubles. However, since the book was published in 2001 (or 2002, in respect of the paperback version), it doesn’t, of course, cover what’s happened over the last 18 years or so.
In many ways, 'Brits' is a good and informative book, but I noticed some problems. There’s very little mention of the OIRA, which was a significant, and deadly, player in the early years of the Troubles. It doesn’t even appear in the index. At two or three points in the book (e.g. on p. 92), Taylor refers to the OIRA and the PIRA as being different ‘wings’ of the IRA. But that’s wrong. They WEREN'T differing tendencies within one organization (like, for instance, the left and right wings of the Conservative Party). Rather, they were completely separate organizations. On page 118, Taylor refers to a ceasefire declared by the OIRA in May 1972. But he fails to explain that it was 'conditional', and that the OIRA continued to engage in acts of violence, although not on the scale of the PIRA.
On page 168, Taylor refers to the army camp at Catterick (N. Yorks.) as being near the Scottish border. In fact, it’s quite a distance from the border. At points (e.g. on p. 309), Taylor refers to ‘England’ when the reference should be to ‘Great Britain’ or 'the UK’.

British intervention in 1969 was welcomed by Catholics at first. One soldier made an honourable member of the Shamrock Club during his first tour but found the door barred shut when he returned for his second. The honeymoon was all to brief. Perhaps a crucial mistake was the British failure to abolish Stormont, therefore giving the impression that their intervention was to defend the Protestant state. Plus, an army is supposed to uphold law and order could not allow Catholic mobs to try and attack police stations. This, compounded by Bloody Sunday and a botched, inept attempt at internment added fuel to the fire.
For many Republicans and Nationalists, Brits and Loyalists were one and the same but they were not. Both loyalist and Republican terrorist suspects were beaten and ill-treated at Castlereagh (the holding centre for terrorist suspects that became a byword for British torture and ill treatment). However, Taylor acknowledges the onslaught on the Provos military organisation in the mid-70s nearly broke the IRA. A question therefore is raised but not answered. Did the revelations that Taylor and his colleagues bring to light at Castlereagh stymie the possibility of an early close to the war? The question is impossible to answer. In any case, a political solution was the only way forward. Any victory without fundamental political reform would have been a pyrrhic one.
Brutal the British could be. But not as brutal as others fighting insurgencies – or even the British in other settings, like Aden – but British justice more than once lived up to its name for fairness and impartiality. Terrorist suspects convicted on super grass evidence were set free. An appearance before a British court was not the same thing as a show trail. Taylor notes that Stalker, the senior Manchester policemen charged with investigating an alleged shoot-to-kill policy was removed because he was thought to be getting too close to the truth. But his successor, Colin Sampson, Chief Constable of West Yorkshire, completed the work he began. Neither man concluded that there was a deliberate policy to shoot-to-kill but there was a plot by RUC Special Branch and MI5 agents to pervert the course of justice. Decent and honest British cops got to the bottom of it but the Tories decided not to prosecute.
In the last analysis, the British were in Northern Ireland to uphold the majority’s right to self-determination and not for any selfish strategic economic interest. The traditional fear of British rulers, from Elizabeth I to Churchill, that Ireland could be the backdoor to foreign invasion, was redundant in the nuclear age, as if the Warsaw Pact might have attempted a landing in Ireland, in the event of WWIII; a ludicrous scenario. As for exploiting the province, the British spent more on propping it up with subsidies and welfare payments than they ever took out of it in tax. When the Republicans began to grasp this fact, a basis for peace could be found.
Like Taylor’s volumes on Provos and Loyalists, the book is judicious, impartial and fair, allowing those at the sharp end to tell it like they saw it. Once you have read one volume, you have to read the other two, in order to get a panoptic view of how all sides saw the conflict. Like the first two volumes, it deserves the highest praise.


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