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Alena V. Ledeneva

Can Russia Modernise?: Sistema, Power Networks and Informal Governance null Edition

by Alena V. Ledeneva (Author)

3.8 15 ratings

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In this original, bottom-up account of the evolution of contemporary Russia, Alena Ledeneva seeks to reveal how informal power operates. Concentrating on Vladimir Putin's system of governance – referred to as sistema – she identifies four key types of networks: his inner circle, useful friends, core contacts and more diffuse ties and connections. These networks serve sistema but also serve themselves. Reliance on networks enables leaders to mobilise and to control, yet they also lock politicians, bureaucrats and businessmen into informal deals, mediated interests and personalised loyalty. This is the 'modernisation trap of informality': one cannot use the potential of informal networks without triggering their negative long-term consequences for institutional development. Ledeneva's perspective on informal power is based on in-depth interviews with sistema insiders and enhanced by evidence of its workings brought to light in court cases, enabling her to draw broad conclusions about the prospects for Russia's political institutions.

ISBN-10

0521125634
ISBN-13

978-0521125635
Edition

null
Publisher

Cambridge University Press
Publication date

April 8, 2013
Language

English
Dimensions

5.98 x 0.75 x 8.98 inches
Print length

327 pages
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Editorial Reviews

Review

"Until we have honest memoirs from members of the present Russian administration (if that ever happens), Ledeneva's book will remain the best guide to the way power is handled in Putin/Medvedev's Russia. It is perceptive, intelligent and based on meticulous, discriminating research."
Geoffrey Hosking, School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London

"This is a superb book that is rich in primary qualitative research and a unique topic and methodology … Understanding the inner workings, the secret system, of a foreign society is a major step toward doing profitable business in that society. Without this type of insider knowledge about any society, there are too many pitfalls to do business successfully … Great insight on the Russian mind and character."
Stanley K. Ridgley, Department of Management, LeBow College of Business, Drexel University

"… in a masterly fashion, [Ledeneva] translates the fluid and uncertain reality of Putin’s Russia into a comprehensive study of informal networks, political power and governance … [her] book is more than just a clever description of the visible contours of Putin’s political system. She uncovers the inner workings of what she calls the sistema: a set of common perceptions of power and the system of governance in Russia."
Vadim Kononenko, The Finnish Institute of International Affairs, International Affairs

"In her book, Can Russia Modernise?, [Ledeneva] explains the difference between blat, low-level corruption in which the economy runs on an exchange of favours, and the full-blown sistema of the modern Kremlin … in her relentlessly careful way, [she] itemises the tariffs of Russian corruption: $10m for a minister’s seat or $100,000 a month to officials as 'the basis of good relations'. Her interviewees remind her that this is the system; ‘once you’re in,’ says one, ‘you can’t change it'."
The Economist

"The question of 'getting things done' in Russia is at the heart of Alena Ledeneva's … academic study, which builds on her earlier books … an important study that weaves together numerous illuminating anecdotes."
Andrew Monaghan, Times Literary Supplement

"Ledeneva offers an impressive analysis of the informal management of Russia during the Medvedev/Putin period. This volume is a natural continuation to her previous research study, How Russia Really Works, dealing mostly with the same subject during Yeltsin’s rule. This work is sharply critical of how Russia changed its economic structure and practices during the period when Putin became the strong man of the nation regardless of whether he was president of prime minster … Ledeneva has again achieved the assigned task: she has helped the audience understand how the modern Russian economy functions. Summing up: recommended. All readership levels."
Y. Polsky, Choice

"Following on from her two books on informal networks at the lower levels of Russian society during the late Soviet Union and in early post-communist Russia, Alena Ledeneva’s new work tackles the question of how elite networks at the very top of Russian politics are organised. In her usual thorough fashion, Ledeneva combines anthropological and sociological methods to analyse how informal elite networks emerge, work and reproduce themselves in Putin’s Russia."
Michael Rochlitz, Europe-Asia Studies

Book Description

A political ethnography of the inner workings of Putin's sistema, contributing to our understanding Russia's prospects for future modernisation.

Product details

Publisher ‏ : ‎ Cambridge University Press; null edition (April 8, 2013)
Language ‏ : ‎ English
Paperback ‏ : ‎ 327 pages
ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0521125634
ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0521125635
Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 1.08 pounds
Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 5.98 x 0.75 x 8.98 inches

Best Sellers Rank: #2,520,469 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #1,908 in Government
- #32,098 in Economics (Books)
- #92,258 in Politics & Government (Books)

Customer Reviews:
3.8 15 ratings

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Michael L.

Russian politics as a system of informal networks

Reviewed in the United States on July 5, 2013

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For me, this was a rare book that actually surprised me with a new way of thinking about Russian politics and business. I am used to every piece of analysis being a variation on a zero sum game: whether the material is Russian or US-created, all media reports talk about "Putin won because he did this," or "opposition won/lost because they did that"...

Instead, this book speaks of power as being a series of interconnected, informal, personal networks -- a truism everywhere (I think). The difference in Russia is that the interplay between these informal networks ("sistema") and the formal channels of power codified by law are more nuanced than a typical observer is prepared to deal with when doing serious analysis. The author's point is that being in charge is not the same as being, "in charge," and leaders are captured by the informal systems that brought them to power. The assertion seems to be that people like Putin are powerful because of their networking ability -- and his skills at leveraging and playing off his various networks are a critical factor to his continuing power -- but that these networks also constrain him because he cannot move against the people who support him most strongly. The same can be said in Russian business interactions, and throughout the various hierarchies in Russian life, today. An extension of the "us/them" theme many other authors posit (you always want to be "svoi"). The author here points out the ambiguous consequences of being "one of us", and shows that not all of the consequences are positive to the individual.

The book is very thought provoking, and the author uses the different chapters to highlight informal power structures in action, using well-known examples and putting them in a new light. Highly recommended reading if you do work in/with Russia.

6 people found this helpful

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Michael N. Krastman

Can Russia Modernise makes for sad reading

Reviewed in the United States on November 1, 2013

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I read this as the first of several books on modern Russia that I ordered. I have not traveled to Russia per se, but I have traveled numerous times to Moldova and the Ukraine. Having married a Ukrainian I have some personal interest in the development of that part of the world. Ledeneva's writing reflects her background as far as I can tell, and the book which is extremely well researched reads as I imagine a thesis might. The question posed by the title is answered although it is not straightforward. In a nutshell what saddens me is that the short, and shorter term answer is, no, it cannot. The present leadership is and the population are still very much captive of their history and cultural habits. What is hopeful for what should be a great country is that outside influences are slowly changing the ideas and thinking of those exposed to them and thus providing a means to escape what I can only term a type of historical bondage. All in all it is a book worth reading for those who seek a better understanding of what the people of that country and that region are struggling with in order to survive and build a better life for themselves.

2 people found this helpful

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Andrey Solovyev

Poor description of Russian state practice

Reviewed in the United States on February 9, 2014

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I am Russian, and I did not like this book for several reasons. Same time, I believe it can be educative to some degree for non-Russian readers.
First, in my opinion, the book misses the point of answering the question, mentioned in its title. It is like an anecdote - Mice! You have to become a hedgehogs to prevent other animals attacks on you! Wow! Great idea! But how?.. I do not know, it is tactics, and I am the strategist - there is useless answer in the book, like all Russians have to become responsible and not to use informal networks and after that it will be happiness for all of them. That's all.
Second, the analysis is done on the stand-alone basis, she looks at the political practice as at self-sufficient thing, which has no context or direction, and it seems extremely strange for me. In example, you will not be able to find in the book at least the attempt to identify Putin's politics targets, and the means of their achievement, where organization design (inner circles etc) is the part of them. Meanwhile, all people whom she interviewed, have a lot of reasons for certain way of doing, and the system, or "sistema" - whatever!, has evolved significantly due to change in targets, org.design, procedures for resources distribution and limitations.
Third, author quotes some anonymous people, without having her own experience of being presented in Russian Power Authorities. It means that she can not always read the messages, those were delivered by interviewed people - was it true or lie. Maybe that is the major reason of loosing the context of what she tells about.
Finally, book covers just a little of primary source of that power in Russia, the reasons for the power being as it is in Russia - the values those exist in society. The values, beliefs and traditions. So, if you read this book, try constantly asking yourself - "why does it happen?, what was historical logic behind that?", when you find a shocking passage. Understanding the reasons of some practices, described in the book, could be even more important and educative than just following offered analysis.
And absolutely too wordy, be prepared.

9 people found this helpful

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Je refuse la censure sur le contenu même des livres achetés et commentés

Ouvage universitaire d'analyse des réseaux de POUTINE en Russie : "pour comprendre les institution, il faut partir des réseaux".

Reviewed in France on July 11, 2016

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Ce livre universitaire, centré sur l’analyse des réseaux en Russie, comporte une perle en page 45 : « IL FAUT PARTIR DES RESEAUX POUR COMPRENDRE LES INSTITUTIONS ».
Ce qui confirme l’analyse d’Hannah ARENDT sur le Totalitarisme comme société secrète au grand jour. Mais ce livre ne comporte pas de liens avec l’analyse du Totalitarisme.

Si l’ouvrage fait référence à ZIMBARDO, il ne relie pas à MILGRAM et au syndrome de Stockholm, ni à l’éthologie du rapport dominants-dominés et du parasitisme parasitoïde.

L’ouvrage ne tranche pas sur la question de fond : le système est-il uniquement épicurien/hédoniste/corrompu ou également pervers nécrophile (double langage, narcissisme, létalité, crimes de guerre…) ? En page 32, la stabilité et l'absence de risque sont présentées comme des priorités du système, ce qui est contradictoire par la classification de POUTINE comme inconscient du danger à son entrée au KGB. Y-a-t-il simplement gestion cynique de la terreur ou addiction au massacre, à la groznysation ? L'ouvrage mentionne par contre explicitement, page 30, le double lien, le double bind paradoxal avec interdiction de commenter, avec un exemple succulent : « Si j’avais souhaité que tu suives mon ordre écrit, je t’aurais téléphoné. » L’ordre écrit, à ne pas suivre, suspend une épée de Damoclès punitive, l’exécution de l’ordre oral garantit la loyauté et le système lui-même reste tacite.

L’ouvrage ne mentionne pas de liens avec le crime organisé à l’inverse de Karen DAWISHA pages 67, 132, 138-140, 285, dans « Putin’s kleptocraty ».

On se pose la question : pourquoi une rigidité de plus en plus punitive (cf la prise en main en cours d’internet), un mouvement de type « L’ordre règne à Varsovie », au lieu de la souplesse du Black List ? La seule réponse paraît être la dictature à vie.

Autre question : les liens judiciaires multiples avec Londres présentés sont-ils un test du repli de sécurisation juridique (et financière) ultime ?

Des éléments clés du livre sont :
•page 31 : la clé du Totalitarisme est d’induire cf la conformité nazie à la pensée d’HITLER pour agir.
•pages 51, 57, 58 : organigrammes du pouvoir avec mise en place d’une féodalité héréditaire.
•page 80 : 3 origines du clan POUTINE 1°) St Petersburg, 2°) juristes, 3°) KGB/FSB.
•page 81 : rôle de 3 universités, 2 de Moscou et 1 de St Petersburg.
•page 89 : POUTINE « C’est à la base qu’il y a le plus de corruption. ».
•page 95 : l’ennemi n°1 est l’indépendance d’esprit, ce qui confirme Michel TERESTCHENKO dans « Un si fragile vernis d’humanité ».
•page 98 : les classes moyennes sont issues de la corruption.
•page 99 : tarifs d’achat de lois de convenance.
•page 100 : 2,4 Mds/an de racket sur les entreprises de Moscou par les organismes de contrôle.
•page 101 : 75% de pots-de-vin sur le secteur IT.
•page 102 : achat de contrôle fiscal pour 1 concurrent 50 000$.
•page 103 : système pyramidal de corruption abouti.
•page 111 : tarifs des postes assurant l’immunité judiciaire (gouverneur, Douma, etc…).
•page 113 : spoliation de Shell à Sakhaline.
•page 152 : une juge fait appel à la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme suite à sa mise à l’écart par une chef qui a induit 17 démissions.
•page 165 : adresses de sites web sur HERMITAGE et MAGNITSKY.
•page 166 : le maire de Moscou a gagné plus de 50 procès en diffamation.
•page 183 : coût du procureur de Russie 2 M$.
•page 184 : assassinats.
•page 188 : conflit SECHIN/ZOLOTOV.
•page 190 : 70 000 raids/an sur des entreprises surtout à Moscou, dans l’Oural et le Nord-Ouest.
•page 191 : spoliation via la prison.
•page 194 : une économie de spoliation ne peut pas fonctionner.
•page 194 : 80% des raids sur les entreprises sont effectués avec une aide officielle, 100% au-delà d’une valeur de 30 M$.
•page 203 mort du patron de Motorola Russie.
•page 236 : POUTINE garant de la corruption.
•page 240 : parasitisme.
•page 255 : we have to lead the country induit we have to leave the country.

L’ouvrage de Alena V.LEDEVENA, de forme très universitaire, complète utilement les ouvrages de KASPAROV, BEN JUDAH et DAWISHA. L’ouvrage de DAWISHA reste le meilleur, le plus dense.

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Duncan Robertson

Excellent analysis of why Russia has developed the way it has.

Reviewed in the United Kingdom on December 5, 2013

Verified Purchase

Ledeneva's subject is difficult to assess because it concerns the invisible power networks at play in Russian politics and society. She has excellent contacts from within the system - as it is so known - who lift the lid on the subtleties of how these informal influences work. Her conclusions are not just relevant for in the Russian context but applies to any system with weak formal networks: law, governance, institutions etc...and how 'personal' relationships are used to compensate for this lack but also crucially undermine it. Her ambivalence to the merits of 'systema' articulates the difficulty of thinking outside this structure and illustrates how difficult it will be for Russia to adopt transparent European market mechanisms.

2 people found this helpful

RV

Very Good

Reviewed in France on April 8, 2013

Verified Purchase

This is the finest analysis of Russian politics in the recent scholar litterature. If you want to understand how informal practices influence the Russian power and how do it operate within formal frames, you must read this work.

Very relevant. Hope this will be translated in French, or at least several chapters. It must be red in France.

One person found this helpful

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