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Capitalism and Freedom: Fortieth Anniversary Edition (40th Anniversary Edition) Paperback – Deluxe Edition, November 15, 2002
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How can we benefit from the promise of government while avoiding the threat it poses to individual freedom? In this classic book, Milton Friedman provides the definitive statement of his immensely influential economic philosophy—one in which competitive capitalism serves as both a device for achieving economic freedom and a necessary condition for political freedom. The result is an accessible text that has sold well over half a million copies in English, has been translated into eighteen languages, and shows every sign of becoming more and more influential as time goes on.
- Print length230 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherUniversity of Chicago Press
- Publication dateNovember 15, 2002
- Dimensions5 x 0.5 x 7.75 inches
- ISBN-100226264211
- ISBN-13978-0226264219
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How can we benefit from the promise of government while avoiding the threat it poses to individual freedom? In this classic book, Milton Friedman provides the definitive statement of his immensely influential economic philosophy&;one in which competitive capitalism serves as both a device for achieving economic freedom and a necessary condition for political freedom. The result is an accessible text that has sold well over half a million copies in English, has been translated into eighteen languages, and shows every sign of becoming more and more influential as time goes on.
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How can we benefit from the promise of government while avoiding the threat it poses to individual freedom? In this classic book, Milton Friedman provides the definitive statement of his immensely influential economic philosophy—one in which competitive capitalism serves as both a device for achieving economic freedom and a necessary condition for political freedom. The result is an accessible text that has sold well over half a million copies in English, has been translated into eighteen languages, and shows every sign of becoming more and more influential as time goes on.
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- Publisher : University of Chicago Press; First Edition (November 15, 2002)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 230 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0226264211
- ISBN-13 : 978-0226264219
- Item Weight : 8 ounces
- Dimensions : 5 x 0.5 x 7.75 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #319,630 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #109 in Free Enterprise & Capitalism
- #188 in Theory of Economics
- #275 in Democracy (Books)
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Milton Friedman is a senior research fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, and the Paul Snowden Distinguished Service Professor Emeritus of Economics at the University of Chicago. In 1976 he was awarded the Nobel Prize in economics. He has written a number of books, including two with his wife, Rose D. Friedman---the bestselling Free to Choose and Two Lucky People: Memoirs, the latter published by the University of Chicago Press.
Photo by The Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice (RobertHannah89) [CC0], via Wikimedia Commons.

Rose D. Friedman is the bestselling author of FREE TO CHOOSE and TWO LUCKY PEOPLE: MEMOIRS, the latter published by the University of Chicago Press. She co-authored these two books with her husband Milton Friedman.
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The central principle to this book is that free market capitalism is the surest way to achieve maximum freedom for the people. While this is true in theory, Friedman shows how this has become less and less an actual reality. Governmental policies and interventions have gradually eroded our economic freedoms and we have largely been blind to this truth because these freedoms are lost incrementally slowly over long periods of time and are thus hard to recognize.
The first major governmental move into the economy came with the establishment of the Federal Reserve. When it was first established (1913) the global economy was backed by a gold standard. However, within only a few short years, the First World War occurred and that standard was quickly abandoned. With these developments, the Fed was given the unfettered ability to print money and put it into circulation. As the quantity of dollars has increased, the relative value of each dollar has decreased. Unless your income has also gone up, this means that you are poorer.
Ever since then, the government has gotten its sticky fingers farther and farther into the pocketbooks of its citizens. This is evidenced by implementations such as tariffs, fair-trade laws, import quotas, production requirements, and trade union restrictions on employment. Things like registration, certification, and licensing requirements across a spectrum of viable potential occupations and job opportunities hinder people from pursuing them (Think about qualified doctors who emigrate to a new country and are unable to practice medicine because their new home-country requires renewed certification, something that can take years and lots of money.) Governmental approval of new taxes and hikes in existing taxes all to pay for publicly funded programs have often been endorsed with little to no forethought as to the potential negative ramifications (for example, if you set welfare benefits at a particular income level, does it incentivize people to remain just below that level so as to continue getting governmental monetary assistance, thus further motivating people to remain unmotivated towards improving their economic standing in society?) And when the time comes for unnecessary programs to be eliminated, how often are they kept well past their expiration date?
One of the more well-known programs that gets the most scrutiny is Social Security, and depending on the lens with which you view it, determines its importance to you. Friedman makes two such arguments. On the one hand, it seems to be an imposition on our financial freedom to make Social Security payments mandatory. If an individual prefers to live for today and not save for later in life, shouldn’t that be their prerogative? We can suggest that they don’t make such choices, but ultimately it should be up to them. It is wrong for the government to decide on our collective behalves, and to subsequently take money out of our pockets to enact the program. For the other side of this argument, Friedman writes: “The man who does not provide for his old age will become a public charge. Compelling him to buy an annuity is justified not for his own good, but for the good of the rest of us.” Through this lens, the government has a well founded argument for its implementation of Social Security, because its aim is to take care of society as a whole.
Friedman suggests, and I agree, that there are only two areas in which the government should impose itself economically. The first is in setting up the rules of the ‘game’ and regulating them. Even a free market economy can become victim to cheaters and swindlers, and the government should act as the enforcer of the rules. The second is to limit the monopolization of any one industry. If a single entity has control over a particular segment of the market, they can unfairly exercise control over it. Historical examples include Andrew Carnegie’s Steel Company and John D. Rockefeller’s Standard Oil. Today, monopolies are even more prevalent and predatory than ever. Wal-Mart, Amazon, and Target own our commercial goods business. Google, Facebook and Twitter own our information and communications. The Walt Disney Company alone owns ABC, ESPN, FX, Hulu, the entire Marvel universe (including toys, movies, and theme park rides,) Star Wars, Pixar, and more. Friedman equates monopoly and government when he writes: “Our minds tell us, and history confirms, that the great threat to freedom is the concentration of power.”
We all know that we need the government because without it we would have anarchy, but what is the right amount? It seems clear that as it currently stands, governmental intervention is too broad and needs to be scaled back. This is exemplified by a quote close to the end of the book: “state help kills self-help.” The more we ask the government to do for us, the less we do for ourselves (and the more we take for granted.) Let us not forget another old adage: “Give a man a fish and you feed him for a day; teach a man to fish and you feed him for a lifetime.” With the implementation of Social Security, the government has decided to give us all fish. In order for our society to survive longer and prosper into the future, we the people must learn to fish for ourselves.
Reviewed in the United States on January 17, 2021
The central principle to this book is that free market capitalism is the surest way to achieve maximum freedom for the people. While this is true in theory, Friedman shows how this has become less and less an actual reality. Governmental policies and interventions have gradually eroded our economic freedoms and we have largely been blind to this truth because these freedoms are lost incrementally slowly over long periods of time and are thus hard to recognize.
The first major governmental move into the economy came with the establishment of the Federal Reserve. When it was first established (1913) the global economy was backed by a gold standard. However, within only a few short years, the First World War occurred and that standard was quickly abandoned. With these developments, the Fed was given the unfettered ability to print money and put it into circulation. As the quantity of dollars has increased, the relative value of each dollar has decreased. Unless your income has also gone up, this means that you are poorer.
Ever since then, the government has gotten its sticky fingers farther and farther into the pocketbooks of its citizens. This is evidenced by implementations such as tariffs, fair-trade laws, import quotas, production requirements, and trade union restrictions on employment. Things like registration, certification, and licensing requirements across a spectrum of viable potential occupations and job opportunities hinder people from pursuing them (Think about qualified doctors who emigrate to a new country and are unable to practice medicine because their new home-country requires renewed certification, something that can take years and lots of money.) Governmental approval of new taxes and hikes in existing taxes all to pay for publicly funded programs have often been endorsed with little to no forethought as to the potential negative ramifications (for example, if you set welfare benefits at a particular income level, does it incentivize people to remain just below that level so as to continue getting governmental monetary assistance, thus further motivating people to remain unmotivated towards improving their economic standing in society?) And when the time comes for unnecessary programs to be eliminated, how often are they kept well past their expiration date?
One of the more well-known programs that gets the most scrutiny is Social Security, and depending on the lens with which you view it, determines its importance to you. Friedman makes two such arguments. On the one hand, it seems to be an imposition on our financial freedom to make Social Security payments mandatory. If an individual prefers to live for today and not save for later in life, shouldn’t that be their prerogative? We can suggest that they don’t make such choices, but ultimately it should be up to them. It is wrong for the government to decide on our collective behalves, and to subsequently take money out of our pockets to enact the program. For the other side of this argument, Friedman writes: “The man who does not provide for his old age will become a public charge. Compelling him to buy an annuity is justified not for his own good, but for the good of the rest of us.” Through this lens, the government has a well founded argument for its implementation of Social Security, because its aim is to take care of society as a whole.
Friedman suggests, and I agree, that there are only two areas in which the government should impose itself economically. The first is in setting up the rules of the ‘game’ and regulating them. Even a free market economy can become victim to cheaters and swindlers, and the government should act as the enforcer of the rules. The second is to limit the monopolization of any one industry. If a single entity has control over a particular segment of the market, they can unfairly exercise control over it. Historical examples include Andrew Carnegie’s Steel Company and John D. Rockefeller’s Standard Oil. Today, monopolies are even more prevalent and predatory than ever. Wal-Mart, Amazon, and Target own our commercial goods business. Google, Facebook and Twitter own our information and communications. The Walt Disney Company alone owns ABC, ESPN, FX, Hulu, the entire Marvel universe (including toys, movies, and theme park rides,) Star Wars, Pixar, and more. Friedman equates monopoly and government when he writes: “Our minds tell us, and history confirms, that the great threat to freedom is the concentration of power.”
We all know that we need the government because without it we would have anarchy, but what is the right amount? It seems clear that as it currently stands, governmental intervention is too broad and needs to be scaled back. This is exemplified by a quote close to the end of the book: “state help kills self-help.” The more we ask the government to do for us, the less we do for ourselves (and the more we take for granted.) Let us not forget another old adage: “Give a man a fish and you feed him for a day; teach a man to fish and you feed him for a lifetime.” With the implementation of Social Security, the government has decided to give us all fish. In order for our society to survive longer and prosper into the future, we the people must learn to fish for ourselves.
Given the nature of the subject matter and the expertise of the author, the writing can be dry and may appear difficult to approach, particularly in the initial chapters, but the reader who sticks with it will be well rewarded. Subsequent chapters, largely adapted from lectures by the author, are easier reads. And Friedman avoids, for the most part, the economic jargon that can make works such as this hopelessly confusing to the layman.
Friedman is often tagged with the "monetarist" or "supply-side" labels (if you don't believe me, read some of the other reviews), largely because he believes that these methods of economic manipulation are infinitely preferable to the fiscal manipulation that has been the norm in this country. Those who actually READ this book will find that he advocates intervention by neither means, preferring instead stable monetary growth removed from the hands of either fiscal or monetary interventionists.
He provides one of the most succinct explanations of the monetary actions (of the Fed) that created and worsened the Great Depression that I have ever come across, though mentioning only briefly the fiscal policies that subsequently lengthened it considerably: the New Deal and, to a much lesser extent, Smoot-Hawley. This alone makes the work valuable.
He goes on to examine a number of things that are now taken for granted in this country (the Welfare State, Social Security, public education, licensing requirements) and asks the question, "Have these government actions made things better or worse?" The record is less than stellar (especially in the subsequent 40 years since this was written). And he proposes some alternatives such as the negative income tax and other alternative roles for government that are, arguably, less intrusive on the liberty of the citizenry.
And he uses examples that are easy to follow and understand including one about men stranded on desert isles that is NOT as presented in another review.
As an economist, I would say that this work has aged remarkably well. The analysis has clearly not become dated as have those of Galbraith and, to a certain extent Keynes. [Keynes WAS a genius, providing the mathematical and econometric bases for much of current economic thought, but, contrary to the assertion by another reviewer, much of what he proposed should be done by the state has been discredited.] Friedman, for example, was one of the first to advocate a school voucher system, which is only now receiving serious attention.
It is noteworthy that a number of economists from the left have criticized Friedman in general and this work in particular. But those attacks (by Krugman, Herman and Diesing, among others) have proven to be, for the most part, without merit.
If you accept the basic premise that freedom is vitally important and that the actions of the state should be viewed from that point of view, you will find this work to be invaluable. If not, you will certainly not be pleased. And if you believe the utter nonsense that capitalism is in any way "oppressive", well, if you can't see reality...
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More recently I was referred to some excellent video clips of Milton Friedman on YouTube, and became interested in how his views fitted into economic thinking as a whole. I also became aware of economic libertarianism, expounded by such organisations as The Cato Institute (publishers of some of the sceptical volumes on man-made global warming theory, but with a much wider range of interests than that) and The Von Mises Institute, that seems to have quite an extreme view as to how limited the role of the state should be. Private justice, anyone?
Capital and Freedom was Friedman's seminal popular work, published in 1962 and based on a series of lectures that Friedman had delivered in the mid to late 1950s. Other popular works include Free to Choose, written jointly with his wife and published in 1980. He doubtless wrote scores of more technical papers in between. Friedman's economic hypothesis is that free market capitalism is the most effective mechanism for organising economic activity and growth, and that it thrives best when the government intervenes in it as little as possible. This economic hypothesis is allied to a strong personal conviction for individual liberty, that men should as far as possible be left to do as they choose so long as their actions to not have injurious effects on others - a philosophy stated emphatically by the founding fathers of the United States.
Milton Friedman argues his case clearly and effectively, and most of it is as apposite today as it was in 1955. Often it is only when he refers to numbers of dollars that one remembers that this book is nearly 50 years old - there always seems to be one or two noughts missing from the end of average salaries. There is quite a lot of historical detail - he devotes a chapter to the Great Depression, and his hypothesis that it was caused not by a failure of the market but by incompetent government intervention. Friedman believed that the market would have suffered less badly, and recovered more quickly, if the government had left well alone. As the Federal Reserve and the Bank of England intervene to deal with the current "credit crunch" banking crisis we have to hope that they will get it right - Friedman seemed to believe that by concentrating the power - and the responsibility - for managing the market even into highly intelligent and well-intentioned hands, you created the conditions for a major upset that the market, left to its own devices, would have avoided by the separate actions of thousands of individual participants acting in their own interests. We shall see!
The problem with Friedman's brand of economic liberalism (and he deliberately stuck to the word "liberal" in an attempt to win it back from left of centre state-interventionists - later he gave up and accepted the description "libertarian") - and with the Thatcherism and Reaganomics that it spawned - was that it can seem harsh and uncaring. Friedman argues passionately against the public provisions of housing, minimum wages, agricultural support, state provided old age pensions and much compulsory attempts to redistribute wealth. He does so on the basis that they interfere with individuals' freedom, concentrate power in government (which often operates inefficiently, and that most such schemes are ultimately counterproductive. He does also argue against the abuse of power by big corporations, through cartels and government lobbying, and expresses concern that the tax laws that allow corporations' retained profit to suffer a lower rate of taxation than income a disadvantages small companies against big ones, and that this, even in the early 1960s, had artificially supported the development of massive corporations. Friedman was, it seems, a small company man, a believer in enterprise on a human scale.
Friedman believed above all in Liberty. His belief in equality - egalitarianism - was more qualified. He believed in equality of rights under the law and of opportunity, but not that the state should attempt to achieve "equality of outcome" - i.e. equality of material wealth. That should be left to individuals to resolve through interaction with others and in accordance with their talents and inclinations. Equality of opportunity, of course, is easily said, and not an issue that Friedman resolves. For example, in arguing for a limited role for government in education, (though a much greater one that some present day libertarians might argue) opportunity for a high quality education would at the least be much easier for those born of rich parents than poor - one point at which I find myself unconvinced by him. In short, though, Friedman thought that men should be free to be unequal.
Whether or not you subscribe to Friedman's ideas, this book represented a major reassertion of the principles of classic, free market economics in the face of progressively more state-directed economies not just in the Eastern-bloc but in the US and Western Europe too. That school of thought had been dominated by John Maynard Keynes, and the latter's "General Theory" shall be my next project. This is an excellent, thought provoking and easily absorbed book.
The central pillars of Friedman's thinking are deceptively simple but the consequences should they ever be fully enacted by any government would be profound. Friedman feels that government is `guilty' until proved `innocent'. Government equals power over individuals, waste, inappropriate resource distribution and the indulgence of what economists call `rent seeking' special interest groups. Governments want to tax, regulate, control and disperse revenues and favours to suit their own particular agendas. Even when they are trying to act in the public interest, governments frequently make matters worse. Extra taxes lead to disincentive effects, extra spending leads to inflation and interventions like minimum wage legislation lead to increased unemployment. The list of potential and actual government failings are lovingly documented by the author. The relish with which he grinds out his dismal litany of state mismanagement and corruption is almost disconcerting, but it is entertaining.
So what are governments for? Well in time honoured Libertarian fashion, as little as possible.
Government should be about up -holding the rights of citizens and business to operate in accordance with their own best interests. So the protection of property rights, the proper fulfilment of contracts and basic civil liberties. Just about everything else can be resolved by the market. This is where Friedman gets serious. He takes on issues that softy `mixed- market' types think of as sacred and untouchable. Discrimination, inequality, education, protection of farm incomes, industrial competition and licensing of occupations, all come under the Friedman hammer. His argument is that government by `featherbedding' unions, producer groups or favourite causes at high costs and nearly always to the disadvantage of citizens and not infrequently the particular groups themselves do more harm than good. He backs up his position with some pretty convincing arguments and reference to data (sadly getting a little out¬¬-dated and relates only the USA) or particular case studies.
If you give markets the chance he argues, they will supply the answer. Discriminating employers for instance will be landed with higher costs and lower profits as they hire the more expensive labour that suits their particular tastes. One of the great advantages he posits is that like love, capitalism is blind. It only seeks the most efficient use of resources and the lowest costs. Your religion, gender, colour or cultural background is simply irrelevant in the market place, just as long as you are competitive. So what need for government if the market as an unintended consequence promotes higher incomes, employment and civil rights?
So where is the flaw in all this free market evangelism? Friedman is rather too keen to down play the virtue of good governance. At least governments are elected and at play lip service to the idea of improving the lot of citizens. Governments are accountable in a way that big business can never be if left to themselves. Monopoly capitalism may confer benefits but competition and choice are not necessarily at the top of the list, viz the 'Robber Barons of late Nineteenth century American industry and finance. Likewise businesses need regulating - why should citizens be left at the mercy of the unscrupulous or the incompetent? Not forgetting of course markets have innate instability built in- inflation, unemployment and issues of social provision cannot or will not always be addressed by the market. When the economy is growing, Friedman wants government to take its foot off the brake, but when there are problems such as the 1929 `Great Crash', he wants to blame government for the `high spirits' of the market. Come on Milton, you can't have it both ways!!
`Capitalism and Freedom' provides great insight into Libertarian economics. It entertains, engages (and enrages on occasion) but is very clear in its line of argument. As a book it is aging gracefully. The data is rather old and very selectively used but the ideas still have much relevance for us all today. Recommended.
However, this book has changed my perspective completely. If you want to know the true thoughts and theory of a libertarian then you should read this book. It has made me realize that I am libertarian in many ways and that I hold many of the same views.
Milton Friedman goes into depth and gives concrete examples of what he believes would create a better society through the use of free market economics (and generally increasing freedom in society as a whole). A lot of it makes sense and there are many instances of big government messing things up. We still continue to see the impact to this day of the wrong people getting holding positions in office, big companies getting special interest support, etc.
However, I don't agree with everything he proposes as I believe it oversimplifies many complex issues. My recommendation is to read his book and get a feel for what Milton believed. The book is well written and flows logically. It's doable for someone that does not have a PhD in economics. The book should be used as a tool. Learn from it, understand new points of view, and see if your own views need to be evaluated.
There are instances where he proposes an idea that seems so extraordinary that it appears that only a madman, an ideologue or someone living in a fantasy world could even consider it, such as the case that abolishing medical licences for doctors would improve patient care, but then after examining the case it great detail the underlying assumptions believing in a need for licensing are demonstrated to be much weaker than initially believed.
The fact that it was written in a time when the intellectual climate was very hostile to classical liberal ideals is reflected in the manner in which he writes to persuade those who disagree with him rather than simply to preach to the converted, as so many current authors do.
As the title suggests capitalism is inextricably intertwined with democracy and that despite the sincere desires of those who wish otherwise, political freedom cannot survive without
This edition of Milton Friedman's seminal advocacy of classical liberalism includes two additional prefaces, one from 1982 and from 2002, in which Friedman discusses how his ideas have developed over the course of the previous 30 and 50 years. When the book was first published the ideas had no takers on the political stage, the age of free markets had died after the Great Depression. Yet by 1982 a few countries had elected government's sympathetic to his ideas and by 2002 some of his policies had been implemented with great success throughout the world. Whilst Friedman credits most of that to the experience of thestatist experiment rather than his advocacy of freedom he is being modest.








