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What is Christian Nationalism?Canon Press

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The Case for Christian Nationalism Paperback – November 1, 2022

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Evangelical elites and the progressive media complex want you to think that Christian nationalism is hopelessly racist, bigoted, and an idol for right-wing Christians. Is Christian nationalism the golden calf of the religious right---or is it the only way forward?

Few “experts” answering this question actually know what nationalism is--and even fewer know what could make it Christian. In The Case for Christian Nationalism, Stephen Wolfe offers a tour-de-force argument for the good of Christian nationalism, taken from Scripture and Christian thinkers ancient, medieval, and modern. Christian nationalism is not only the necessary alternative to secularism, it is the form of government we must pursue if we want to love our neighbors and our country.

Wolfe shows that the world’s post-war consensus has successfully routed the United States towards a gynocratic Global American Empire (GAE). Rather than the religious right’s golden calf, Christian nationalism is the idea that people in the same place and culture should live together and seek one another’s good. The grace of the gospel does not eliminate our geography, our people, and our neighbors. Instead, it restores us to pursue local needs and local leadership freely and without apology.

If you want to be able to answer the political debate raging today, you must understand the arguments in The Case for Christian Nationalism.

Print length

488 pages
Language

English
Publisher

Canon Press
Publication date

November 1, 2022
Dimensions

6 x 1.22 x 9 inches
ISBN-10

1957905336
ISBN-13

978-1957905334
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	Christian nationalism, the only way forward?	A history of Christian civil resistance	Fight for masculinity.	A reformation game plan.	A classic defense of civil resistance
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Editorial Reviews

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"A pioneering work that paves the way for a new genre of American Christian-nationalist political theory. Relentlessly innovative, it combines 18th century Presbyterian nationalist political thought with a concern for masculinity and self-reliance drawn from the contemporary dissident right" ~Yoram Hazony, author of Conservatism: A Rediscovery and The Virtue of Nationalism

The Case For Christian Nationalism is a masterpiece. The path ahead of us as Christians is clear and I pray that once our brothers and sisters read this book they will realize that Christian Nationalism is that path. This is who we are, who we were, and who we always will be. Stephen makes the case clear as day. This book is must-read for pastors, political leaders, and everyone in between.” --Andrew Torba, bestselling author of Christian Nationalism: A Biblical Guide for Taking Dominion

“Wolfe’s book is precisely what we need in this moment. He is an accomplished scholar and provides exactly the clear, logical, precise arguments that Christian nationalists need to defend Christian engagement in politics that is anything other than the typical automatic surrender to secularism. If you want to bolster your understanding of Christian political engagement and if you want to be heavily armed with every possible argument those who demand your surrender will muster, you absolutely must read this book.” --Andrew Isker, bestselling Author of Christian Nationalism: A Biblical Guide for Taking Dominion

"The Case for Christian Nationalism is a carefully reasoned case for an approach that our nation had at our founding and should never have abandoned. We are today living in the wreckage of that abandonment. Stephen Wolfe is to be thanked for having the courage and learning to show us our way back.” ~Douglas Wilson, pastor of Christ Church and Christianity Today award-winning author of Evangellyfish

“Wolfe’s book addresses--with unmatched depth--a subject of growing interest in both evangelical circles and wider academic and political discourse.” -Nate Fischer, entrepreneur and cofounder of American Reformer and New Founding

"Refreshing to read a new, careful text that addresses questions of classical political philosophy in light of these distinctly Christian distinctions about the nature of man.” -Clifford Humphrey, Director of Religious Coalitions at the Edmund Burke Foundation

“Clearly argued and forceful in its conclusions, The Case for Christian Nationalism sets the standard for today’s debates. It’s a marvelous book full of things to ponder, agree with, and argue about.” ~R.R. Reno, editor of First Things

"Wolfe has stepped into the arena with a remarkable work of Christian political theory well worth reading.... Wolfe's book signals that a growing movement of Protestant resourcement has achieved a critical mass; he has thrown a glove down and others are sure to join him." -The American Conservative

"Wolfe gives Christians a coherent intellectual foundation that can withstand the gale force winds of our age. But political theory cannot enact itself. Christians must have the courage, manliness, fortitude, and strength to lay the groundwork in the decades ahead for what will assuredly be a multi-generational effort." -The Federalist

About the Author

Stephen Wolfe (PhD, Louisiana State University) is a country scholar at Wolfeshire in central North Carolina where he lives with his wife and four children. He recently finished a postdoctoral fellowship at Princeton University's James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions. Wolfe is co-host of the Ars Politica podcast and has written for Mere Orthodoxy, First Things, Chronicles Magazine, and History of Political Thought. The Case for Christian Nationalism is his first book.

Product details

Publisher ‏ : ‎ Canon Press (November 1, 2022)
Language ‏ : ‎ English
Paperback ‏ : ‎ 488 pages
ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 1957905336
ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-1957905334
Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 1.56 pounds
Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 6 x 1.22 x 9 inches

Best Sellers Rank: #48,544 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #5 in Religious Fundamentalism (Books)
- #21 in Nationalism (Books)
- #170 in Political Conservatism & Liberalism

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inexorable chain of reasoning for a distinctly Christian nation

Reviewed in the United States on November 2, 2022

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The kerfuffle surrounding the book seems to occur when a reader disagrees with the conclusion—that Christian nationalism is a viable political option—but won’t or can’t engage with the premises that get us there. Those weak firecracker criticisms generate more heat than light.

I’m waiting for someone to engage with the widely accepted Christian and conservative premises and provide a compelling counterargument. Until then, Wolfe has done a compelling job stating the case for Christian parents working to make sure their kids grow up in a country that’s MORE Christian than the one they grew up in.

His premises are straightforward—and so is the historical and theological support he brings for each one. (That’s the reason this book needs to be 400+ pages. It’s a CASE, not a tweetstorm.)

Here’s a 30,000 foot summary of those tricky premises no one wants to engage with:

1. Societal organization existed before the Fall, so it’s natural and good.
2. The basis of society is that every person loves the people close to them, and that’s natural and good, too.
3. Therefore, a society composed of people working for each other’s earthly and heavenly good is also natural and good.

That’s it. That’s Christian nationalism.

All orthodox Christians can agree with those premises, and it doesn’t entail racism, hatred, or jumping barriers at the Capitol.

Of course there’s much more to this book, and Wolfe deals with lots more practical questions, including: Can cultural Christianity be a force for good? What can laws do, and what can’t laws do? What would a leader in such a society look like? How does liberty of conscience function in such a society? Is rebellion allowable? Did the founding fathers think about America in this way?

And what’s also fun about this book is that Wolfe states an optimistic future, rejecting things that are tearing our nation apart and laying the groundwork for important conversations in the future. Here’s to decades more discussions inspired by “The Case for Christian Nationalism”!

62 people found this helpful

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Greg Marsh

Interesting Perspective

Reviewed in the United States on December 11, 2023

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I disagree with the author on many of the concepts he brought forth in this book. However, this book is logical from the Christian perspective. A book worth reading for those that believe in Christianity.

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Andrew Naples

Important presentation of key ideas that protestantism has lost sight of.

Reviewed in the United States on November 29, 2023

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These ideas are not new, novel, or foreign to Christian thought. They were largely the default for centuries but have been lost in the West the last several decades.

This book is a well researched attempt to relate why Christians, with much time devoted to the historical views of this, should govern to begin with and a vision for how that could occur again in the United States.

5 people found this helpful

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Kevin D. Johnson

Critical Theory and Wolfe’s “Christian Nationalism”

Reviewed in the United States on November 18, 2022

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I have taken a closer look at Wolfe’s Introduction to his book on Christian Nationalism. What I find is something common to almost every work in social science today. Keep in mind that Wolfe explicitly presents a political theory and not in fact political theology or some kind of exegetical case for his point of view. In the Introduction, Wolfe problematizes a subject and advances a critical theory meant to motivate change on the part of his readers. This move is inherently Foucauldian.

Wolfe begins by noting that “the absence of God in public life is now normal”, he invokes Rousseau to claim that today’s Christians glory in their suffering, our religion is used as a “coping device for inaction”, and that our problem today is a “lack of will” for political change.

Wolfe then wants to advance a political theory that will “enliven…the hearts of Christians” so that they then are inspired to take action for their good. Wolfe attempts to frame this as a positive answer to what he calls the “secularist civil religion” of our day, but really it’s offered as a negative dialectic as much as we might call it anything positive because his chief concern is to answer the problematization in play. In this way, Wolfe is entirely postmodern in his approach. Wolfe isn’t presenting a normative political theory that attempts to explain the world, he’s offering an alternative critical theory meant to change it. The change he seeks is right in line with Marx’s Eleventh Thesis on Feuerbach, “Philosophers have hitherto only interpreted the world in various ways; the point is to change it.”

We should consider that Augustine wasn’t the only one to frame man’s condition in terms of creation, fall, and redemption. Marx did also and the key difference is the demythologizing Marx offered through gutting Hegel’s work of any Christian content. Of course, Wolfe would like to return to a sort of baptized critical theory in his establishment of Christian Nationalism but he is working in the same vein as Adorno, Horkheimer, Marcuse, and the general dictates of political science today as far as theory is concerned. Wolfe would answer that he’s not doing sociology in his work but I don’t believe him. Political science is just as much social science as sociology is and both are thoroughly infected with critical theory throughout the disciplines.

So far, most critical reviews of Wolfe’s work of any substance have focused on how Wolfe misinterprets the Reformed tradition as if the book in the main is about Reformed theology. Critics are certainly right to knock Wolfe here as Mattson has brilliantly done, but I would suggest that Wolfe’s methodology is largely unconcerned with the details of the various Reformed traditions in play. First of all, Wolfe pretends there is a single Reformed tradition to speak of when the fact of the matter is that there are multiple streams in play with both the magisterial Reformation and what we might call post-Reformation Reformed scholasticism. There is actually a great diversity in thought the deeper you go into the various historical sources, but you will never catch Wolfe talking about the Reformed traditions in play as any sort of conversation partner with the actual traditions themselves (except, for example, to dismiss the likes of Augustine or Luther as he moves toward Aquinas). Wolfe merely assumes he’s speaking for the Reformed tradition and as such his presentation is entirely begging the question in the first place.

In fact, Wolfe even extends this to a larger unitary Christian tradition also. Wolfe constantly acts like there is only one Christian tradition. This is perhaps best seen when Wolfe pretends that “the Christian tradition” has historically seen love in three ways (benevolence, beneficence, and complacence). In fact, Christianity has seen love in massively different ways that can’t merely be framed through the work of Aquinas or Edwards as Wolfe representatively cites them for the whole of Christian tradition, both rather late witnesses considering the extensive commentary over the last two thousand years on the subject of love. He’s just wrong here and misrepresents the diverse nature of Christianity throughout the centuries on a fundamental question like the definition of love.

We don’t even see the nuance of Turretin distinguishing between this and that in Wolfe’s Epilogue, for example. No, the politeness of an academic theory is left behind for what’s ultimately tweetable in the last section of his book and operative for political change. Wolfe presents post-Reformation Reformed scholastics precisely because he is appealing to a Reformed audience conditioned by the likes of the Davenant Institute and Richard Muller’s Post-Reformation Reformed Dogmatics to see a certain type of historical theology as acceptable sources. In other words, Wolfe needs Aquinas to ground his prelapsarian approach in something valuable to his readers. What better than a selective read of Reformed scholastics that purportedly borrowed from Aquinas and Aristotle? Wolfe’s sources are, true to form, very selective, postmodern in their appropriation since it is anachronistic to say they would endorse a Christian nationalism, and he also ignores other important voices in the various traditions that could be employed to speak against his theory.

Further, Wolfe also forgets that nationalism as he theorizes was not in play per se in the 17th-18th centuries but rather the discovery of a New World and colonialism along with the likes of Westphalia. The Massachusetts Bay Colony was a colony, not a new nation, so grounding religious tolerance in the descendants of Cotton Mather don’t ring quite as true as he would like. Geneva was a city-state of sorts, not a nation. So, whatever Wolfe would like to posit toward nationalism in its historical context is likely operative in arguing for other alternatives seen in things like the foundation of the Dutch Republic establishing the modern nation-state, a new international order contra the previous Holy Roman Empire, and the rise of the British Empire, itself a multi-ethnic conglomerate.

Notice that Wolfe has an entire chapter devoted to revolution and a second one on freedom of conscience. The critical nature of critical theory is to liberate the oppressed and the yearning toward freedom is the one thing that critical theory seeks to establish. While Wolfe’s view is premised on order (following, incidentally, Hegel), the truth is he seeks freedom for a nation to do good in line with the dictates of the gospel. So, Wolfe’s viewpoint properly understood also aligns with critical theory. The question is not whether Wolfe is some kind of Marxist parading as a Nationalist but rather the methodology he employs and the goal of his working theory.

Wolfe also demonstrates other tendencies common to contemporary political thought that go uncited and unnoticed unless one has read Marcuse and other critical theorists. Watch in his chapter on revolution how he describes today’s society in fine Marcusean fashion:

“The powers of our modern world—the ones that undermined true religion in the West—are more implicit and psychological; they operate in the normalization of secularism. Its normalization is evident in the fact that “normal” people affirm it, live it, and expect it. Our secularized minds are shaped for it, and thus theological traditions that are clearly opposed to secularism had to be recast as its greatest adherents (e.g., modern two-kingdoms theology).” (341)

Further, Wolfe then goes on to say that the solution to “normalized modern liberalism” is “deconstruction” because the current “regime’s chief objective is suppressing an activist Christian religion that seeks Christian normalization and anti-secularism” the very thing Wolfe would like to see instituted as Christian Nationalism.

The point here is not to call Wolfe a Cultural Marxist but only to identify that the methodology of his book certainly follows the dictates of critical theory and his project can be seen in that light given how he proceeds throughout his book to establish a case for what he calls Christian Nationalism. While Wolfe draws on selective support from historical theology, remember that his work is really a political theory and ought to be evaluated as such. The irony, of course, in being yet another instance of critical theory at work is that it remains a racist accounting meant to support a nationalism that isn’t Christian and that remains attached to the obscure political movement of Kinism. Other more sinister tones are offered in light of struggle, the will of a people, and the constant focus on order in the book that should also give one pause the same way films like Triumph of the Will cause us to shudder today. The real historical tradition Wolfe relies on here is much more a matter of nineteenth century romanticism and the stuff of Wagnerian operas. Thinking Reformed theology is the primary driver of his viewpoint is a royal mistake as he quotes figures like Ernest Renan in addition to Aquinas and whoever else provides cover for the inherent racism he projects through terms like ethnicity.

160 people found this helpful

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Matt

Something All Christians Should Read and Think Through

Reviewed in the United States on November 18, 2022

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Christian, don't listen to the one star, anti-intellectual accusations of racism (and all the other "isms") found in the other reviews. Give this book a read. As a reformed Baptist, Wolfe's commitment to natural theology and Thomistic thinking was disappointing, and I would have much rather seem Biblically derived conclusions (he hardly ever cites scripture in the 470+ pages of this book). BUT, that does not mean his arguments are not worth working through with Bible in hand. There is no neutrality, Christian. The secular world hates you and their God hating politics are destroying you, your family, and your neighbor. It is past time for Christians to set aside their commitments to neutrality and recognize that the Word of God has something to say about EVERY aspect of life. This book will help you think more deeply about how to live all of life to the glory of God.

21 people found this helpful

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The Count

Amazing

Reviewed in Canada on November 30, 2023

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Stephen articulates his position well. Over all, an enjoyable read.

Ryan

Brilliant

Reviewed in the United Kingdom on December 14, 2022

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As an Anglican, I take issue with some of the more presbyterian elements, but aside from that it's a brilliant and timely work.

2 people found this helpful

JayEhm

If you want to know...

Reviewed in Canada on December 21, 2022

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What all the fuss is about buy the book. Clear. Thoughtful. Read it.

Lewis S S D Holland

Dog Whistling Dystopian Nonsense

Reviewed in the United Kingdom on December 20, 2022

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if you want to live the Handmaid's Tale fantasy - follow this man's logic. Awful.

Joe

A necessary introduction to a Controversial movement

Reviewed in the United Kingdom on February 28, 2023

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Although more time will be needed to articulate my thoughts on the book, Wolfe has corrected misconceptions of Christian Nationalism and has given a better foundation and vision for this theory. The weaknesses of the book stem from the lack of engagement with the text of Scripture (which he forewarned the reader to his credit) and his reliance to Protestant political theory which causes the book to the less stimulating than it could be for me.

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