A Choice Not an Echo: The inside story of how American Presidents are chosen 3rd Edition

by Phyllis Schlafly (Author)

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ISBN-13: 978-0686114864

ISBN-10: 0686114868

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Product details

Publisher : Pere Marquette Pr; 3rd edition (June 1, 1964)
Language : English
Paperback : 121 pages
ISBN-10 : 0686114868
ISBN-13 : 978-0686114864
Item Weight : 5.6 ounces
Dimensions : 4.5 x 0.25 x 6.5 inches

Best Sellers Rank: #695,415 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #39,701 in Politics & Government (Books)
- #125,637 in Textbooks

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18 ratings

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Dr Jim

Read for first time.

Reviewed in the United States on October 28, 2020

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Conservative women are the tops! To stand up to the endless lies, hate & terrorism of the democrat machine takes a woman or man of steel.

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Lindy Abbott

An American Must-Read

Reviewed in the United States on December 3, 2013

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Everyone should buy a copy and read if you live in America. This is a must read for anyone that wants to understand how it does not matter if you vote D or R in elections.

11 people found this helpful

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Bonnie Barcenas Trenholm

Wow

Reviewed in the United States on October 7, 2016

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Wow, excellent book

3 people found this helpful

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randy lenzen

Five Stars

Reviewed in the United States on April 4, 2017

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Fast and accurate description.

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justme

Five Stars

Reviewed in the United States on August 29, 2016

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Something everyone should read. Very relevant to today.

4 people found this helpful

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Janice

came in great time, the book is the voice of a ...

Reviewed in the United States on March 4, 2016

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came in great time, the book is the voice of a great lady. We need our country back after what this fool obama has done.. good condition

3 people found this helpful

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The Curmudgeon

GREAT REVIEW OF POLITICAL HISTORY

Reviewed in the United States on January 31, 2016

I got this 1964 copy of Schlafly's book. They cost seventy-five cents back then. This is one of the best books written on American politics and I wish I had read it sooner.

Schlafly covers the elections from 1936 to 1964 and her main point is that a secret behind-the-scenes powerful group controls the nomination process. She calls this group the kingmakers but it has been more often called the Establishment or the New York Establishment. More recently it has been called the Donor Class.

She describes how this mostly Republican group defeats any Republicans candidate who would challenge the Democratic-Republican establishment status quo. Nowadays we would call it the Democratic-RINO (Republican in Name Only) establishment. Its mouthpiece is the New York Times.

This group got Willkie nominated in 1940 as well as Dewey in 1944 and 1948. The objective was to stop any Republican wanting to decrease federal spending from which the group profits. Today we call it crony capitalism. The group couldn't stop Eisenhower but made sure to defeat Taft who would have meant less foreign aid and other federal spending. In 1960 they supported Nelson Rockefeller and made sure the Republican nominee Nixon lost to JFK.

The group consists mainly of bankers, top politicians, publishers and industrialists. Back then David Rockefeller of Chase Manhattan Bank seemed to be the leader. Today the group is probably more dispersed but probably still headquartered in New York. In 1964 the group failed to defeat the grassroots campaign to nominate Goldwater whom Schlafly supported. The book ends with her hoping Goldwater could overcome the establishment's efforts to sabotage his run for the presidency but we know he lost.

She describes some of the group's then-novel tactics such as a propaganda blitz, vicious charges, phony polls, spurious issues, and a slanted press. These are all standard now so all candidates use them and they tend to cancel each other out. This allows a real outsider to get through which describes the Trump campaign in 2016.

23 people found this helpful

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Orrin C. Judd

the most influential American woman of the 20th Century?

Reviewed in the United States on January 1, 2002

It is one of the more delicious ironies of American politics that the reforms that were foisted upon the Democrats in 1972 by liberal activists
trying to nominate a candidate of the Left, reforms which then spread to the Republican Party in the wake of the Watergate scandals, have
had the opposite effect that their advocates intended. Loosening the powerbrokers grip on the nomination process has produced an
uninterrupted string of conservative Republican nominees and nearly thirty years of at least relatively conservative presidents, even though
Democrats have won three of those elections. This is not, of course, how it was supposed to work. The operating mythology held that it
was the evil men in the smoke-filled rooms who were forcing their reactionary minions down all of our throats, and, if only you could give
the people their choice, they'd go for progressives. Well, those reformers would have done well to read Phyllis Schlafly's A Choice Not an
Echo, before setting in motion a process which they didn't understand, but which she had clearly, if over dramatically, explained back during
the 1964 campaign.
What Ms Schlafly set out to demonstrate--and she succeeded to a considerable degree--was that the Eastern Establishment of the Republican
Party, with its money, access to the media and advertising expertise, had for years wielded an inordinate influence over who would be the
eventual presidential nominee every four years. At first blush this might seem to confirm the reformers intuition, but, as Ms Schlafly said,
what these men believed in was not conservative politics, as we understand it today, but their own rather large pocketbooks. This led them
to favor stability, domestic and global, above all other causes, and meant that they were de facto defenders of the New Deal and relentless
advocates of détente with the Soviets. Ideas were less important to them than not rocking the boat; the party line a distant second to the
bottom line. In their own strange way, they had become allies of the Democratic Party, which by the early 1970s had taken the nation a long
way toward socialism at home, acceptance of communism as a legitimate system abroad, and an increasingly demoralized and relativistic
culture. Thus, the party paraded out a cavalcade of "me-tooers"--nominees like Wendell Wilkie, Tom Dewey, Eisenhower, and Nixon--who
had basically come to terms with the New Deal and were internationalist but not confrontationalist when it came to the Soviet Union.
Meanwhile, Eastern party powers did everything they could to deny the nomination to someone like Robert Taft, "Mr. Republican", who was
both isolationist and eager to roll back the Social Welfare State.
In this thin volume, Ms Schlafly argued that for Republicans to compete and win on the presidential level they would need to shuck off the
influence of the Easterners, the moneyed interests, and select truly conservative candidates who would draw sharp contrasts with the
Democrats, not try to fudge their differences. When she first wrote the book it was to justify a Goldwater candidacy, and she rewrote it
somewhat later in 1964 to prepare Republicans for the vicious assault that she correctly predicted that Madison Avenue would launch against
him, with establishment Republicans in the East joining with Democrats to defeat a man who threatened both big government and the rather
stable balance of terror that was the Cold War.
In his terrific book, Before the Storm, Rick Perlstein has told the fascinating story of how the grassroots conservative movement managed, in
1964, to finally win the nomination for one of their own. The victory was so unlikely that in places his book reads like a thriller. Of course,
with LBJ riding a tidal wave of popular support in the wake of the Kennedy assassination, one could argue that the win wasn't worth much.
In fact, Goldwater went down to such ignominious defeat that it left many on the Left saying that conservatism had ceased to exist in
America. Indeed, the Eastern Establishment had their way again in 1968 with the candidacy of Richard Nixon, who proceeded to expand
domestic government, bail out of Vietnam, buddy up to China, and pursue a policy of détente with the Soviet Union. But then came the
McGovern reforms, and the post-Watergate reforms, and American politics has been drifting Right ever since.
In 1976 Ronald Reagan nearly knocked off a sitting president in the first relatively open GOP primaries, and the Democrats nominated a
born-again Southerner, Jimmy Carter, who did beat Ford. Reagan came back and won in 1980, establishing what appeared to be a
Republican hammerlock on the presidency, but George Bush Sr. squandered that lock by raising taxes and alienating his conservative base.
This left him vulnerable to two other conservative Southerners, Bill Clinton and Ross Perot, as, presumably for the first time in the history of
American politics, the Eastern establishment had no candidate at all to support, though they finally grudgingly went with Clinton as the least
conservative option. Just two years later, in 1994, Ms Schlafly's thesis was brilliantly vindicated as Republicans ran on the starkly
ideological platform of the Contract with America and won a resounding victory, taking both houses of Congress for the first time in
decades. Then in 2000, George W. Bush managed to defeat John McCain, the improbable darling of the establishment, in the primaries,
then proceeded to dethrone a sitting Vice President during an unprecedented economic boom. (It is notable that Al Gore too was a
conservative Southerner, despite his bizarre lurch leftward during the fall campaign.) Bush achieved these twin feats while running well to
the right of Ronald Reagan, who, though he undoubtedly would have liked to, never actually ran on a platform that called for privatizing
Social Security and turning over government services to "faith-based institutions".
Oddly enough, it is today Democrats who need their own Phyllis Schlafly (and isn't that a delicious prospect?) to come forward and summon
them back to their party principles. Unless Democrats are content to be a party that periodically gets to put their own "me-tooer" in the
White House, a Democratic president who will govern like a Republican, then they need to offer "a choice not an echo." It is Democrats
who need to shake themselves loose from the thrall of the big corporate interests who have taken over their party and transformed them into
what Clinton himself realized they had become : "Eisenhower Republicans...fighting the Reagan Republicans". They need to ask themselves
whether they exist solely to hold governmental power every once in a while, or whether they still have an organizing vision of the uses to
which that power should be put.
Congressional Republicans too should heed Ms Schlafly's sage advice and should borrow a page from their own playbook; in 2002 they
should run on a new Contract, one which differentiates them from Democrats in the most direct terms. Too many of our politicians have
been mesmerized by the siren call of the media for bipartisanship, but as Ms Schlafly wrote, citing an unnamed Republican leader :
Bipartisanship is just a $5 word for...a two-bit word, "me-tooism."
Our politics is at its best when the two parties stake out their very different, nearly opposite, positions on the issues and then seek to
convince us, by force of argument, that one side or the other has the better platform for America... The
centrality of ideas, and the imperative that parties be unwavering advocates of theirs, is the great insight that animates Phyllis Schlafly's still
timely polemic and that rescues it from some of its more paranoid and conspiracy-minded passages.
GRADE : C+

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