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Churchill and Orwell: The Fight for Freedom Hardcover – May 23, 2017
| Thomas E. Ricks (Author) Find all the books, read about the author, and more. See search results for this author |
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A New York Times Book Review Notable Book of 2017
A dual biography of Winston Churchill and George Orwell, who preserved democracy from the threats of authoritarianism, from the left and right alike.
Both George Orwell and Winston Churchill came close to death in the mid-1930's—Orwell shot in the neck in a trench line in the Spanish Civil War, and Churchill struck by a car in New York City. If they'd died then, history would scarcely remember them. At the time, Churchill was a politician on the outs, his loyalty to his class and party suspect. Orwell was a mildly successful novelist, to put it generously. No one would have predicted that by the end of the 20th century they would be considered two of the most important people in British history for having the vision and courage to campaign tirelessly, in words and in deeds, against the totalitarian threat from both the left and the right. In a crucial moment, they responded first by seeking the facts of the matter, seeing through the lies and obfuscations, and then they acted on their beliefs. Together, to an extent not sufficiently appreciated, they kept the West's compass set toward freedom as its due north.
It's not easy to recall now how lonely a position both men once occupied. By the late 1930's, democracy was discredited in many circles, and authoritarian rulers were everywhere in the ascent. There were some who decried the scourge of communism, but saw in Hitler and Mussolini "men we could do business with," if not in fact saviors. And there were others who saw the Nazi and fascist threat as malign, but tended to view communism as the path to salvation. Churchill and Orwell, on the other hand, had the foresight to see clearly that the issue was human freedom—that whatever its coloration, a government that denied its people basic freedoms was a totalitarian menace and had to be resisted.
In the end, Churchill and Orwell proved their age's necessary men. The glorious climax of Churchill and Orwell is the work they both did in the decade of the 1940's to triumph over freedom's enemies. And though Churchill played the larger role in the defeat of Hitler and the Axis, Orwell's reckoning with the menace of authoritarian rule in Animal Farm and 1984 would define the stakes of the Cold War for its 50-year course, and continues to give inspiration to fighters for freedom to this day. Taken together, in Thomas E. Ricks's masterful hands, their lives are a beautiful testament to the power of moral conviction, and to the courage it can take to stay true to it, through thick and thin.
Churchill and Orwell is a perfect gift for the holidays!
- Print length352 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherPenguin Press
- Publication dateMay 23, 2017
- Dimensions6.38 x 1.17 x 9.5 inches
- ISBN-101594206139
- ISBN-13978-1594206139
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Editorial Reviews
Review
“An elegantly written celebration of two men who faced an existential crisis to their way of life with moral courage — and demonstrated that an individual can make a difference.” —San Francisco Chronicle
“Readers of this book will realize, if they needed reminding, that the struggle to preserve and tell the truth is a very long game.” —Los Angeles Times
"Another one is a book by Thomas Ricks about Winston Churchill and George Orwell. The two never met, but their parallel lives and their views of how society should function, notions of individual freedom, limitations of politics and so on — extraordinarily harmonious thoughts in different places, really very impressive. I went in assuming [they'd be at odds], but quite the reverse. Really, very interesting."— John Le Carré
“Churchill & Orwell is an eminently readable, frankly inspirational and exceptionally timely tribute to the two men Simon Schama called 'the architects of their time.' It is to be hoped that their counterparts in intellectual clarity and moral courage are among us today.” —Minneapolis Star Tribune
“A pungent and pointed piece of history, a great gift for any history lover on your list.” — Seattle Times
“Here is a formidable pairing: Winston Churchill and George Orwell, two of the most famous figures of the 20th century, compared and contrasted in a study that has fresh things to say about its subjects… Ricks tracks his subjects without falling into the usual traps. He is neither sanctimonious about Orwell, nor overly reverential when discussing Churchill.” —Newsday
"A feast of a book, laden with observations and insights that enable us to see these familiar figures, and through them our own time, in a fresh and illuminating light." —New Statesman
“Ricks’s gift for storytelling makes this book virtually impossible at times to set down.” —The Christian Science Monitor
“Superbly illustrates that Churchill and Orwell made enduring cases for the necessity of moral and political fortitude in the face of authoritarianism. This is a bracing work for our times.”—Publishers Weekly
“Very readable and timely.”—The Missourian
“The genius of Ricks’ method is to tell the story of an ongoing struggle through the lives of two extraordinary men.” —Booklist (starred review)
“A superb account of two men who set standards for defending liberal democracy that remain disturbingly out of reach.” —Kirkus Reviews (starred)
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Product details
- Publisher : Penguin Press; 1st edition (May 23, 2017)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 352 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1594206139
- ISBN-13 : 978-1594206139
- Item Weight : 1.4 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.38 x 1.17 x 9.5 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #394,018 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #22 in U.K. Prime Minister Biographies
- #1,800 in Author Biographies
- #2,041 in Political Leader Biographies
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I read Orwell’s main works over thirty years ago and I enjoyed being reminded of his worldview. His books seem relevant today even though 1930s communism and fascism are dead. Ricks suggests that authoritarianism is on the rise again. Putin, Erdogan, Xi, Kim, Orban, ISIS, Iran, and Assad are his examples. In the U.S. we have an intrusive surveillance state. Orwell’s book, 1984, could be describing the U.S. today. We are continuously at war and told we are under attack from mysterious forces. These threats are used to justify government surveillance. As a consequence, Ricks believes we are at risk of losing many of our individual liberties.
Orwell was an obscure journalist until his breakthrough with Animal Farm (1945) and Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949). He was shot and nearly killed while fighting in the Spanish Civil War. It was there that he developed his hostility to fascism and communism. In Spain, fascists, communists and the police all tried to kill him. Orwell attended Eton College, where members of the British establishment are often educated. Eton has produced 19 British prime ministers, including David Cameron and the Duke of Wellington. Orwell's Eton education would have presented him with many opportunities, which he chose to ignore. Ricks does not really dwell on this or explain Orwell’s strange career choices for an Etonian. Orwell became a cop in Burma, a backwater of the British Empire. In the 1930s he wrote books about the poor. He always sympathized with the underdog and often despised the establishment. Despite this, Ricks believes that Orwell admired Churchill.
Until 1940, Churchill’s political career had often been a disaster. He was on the wrong side of history on many issues, from opposing Indian independence to returning Britain to the Gold Standard. Ricks focuses on Churchill's opposition to appeasement and on his role in World War 2. Ricks argues that appeasement was a mistake. He suggests that the appeasers were often unpatriotic and cowardly. This is unfair. The U.S. helped draft the Treaty of Versailles but did nothing to help enforce it. It has never been clear why Hitler became Britain's responsibility. Both Hitler's books indicate that he eventually intended to attack the U.S. Many British historians believe that Chamberlain had few good options in 1938. A lot of American politicians seem to believe that had Britain threatened Hitler with a war in 1936 or 1938, he would have backed down. However, they don't understand the military realities. Britain did declare war in 1939. Hitler then turned his army around, he was heading eastwards and crushed Western Europe. Hitler was a gambler, he declared war on both the U.S. and Soviet Union in 1941.
Britain had lost 723,000 men in WW1, and most Britons were desperate to avoid another war. Most people knew someone who had died and the war had seemed pointless. Pacifism was popular in the 1930s, and as a result, Britain only started rearming in 1936. Many senior British politicians (e.g., Churchill, Eden, Halifax, and Attlee) had fought in the trenches against the Germans twenty years earlier. It took time for the British public and their politicians to realize that the Germans wanted revenge for what happened in 1918. Psychologically, the British public was not ready for a war in 1936 or 1938. By 1939 they realized there was no alternative.
In 1938, the year of Munich, Britain was not ready to fight a war with Germany. Britain’s only real European ally was France, and Chamberlain and his advisers did not believe the French had the stomach for a fight. Britain’s allies in World War 1: France, U.S., and the Soviet Union, had no interest in confronting Hitler in 1936 or 1938, so a grand coalition was out of the question. In 1938, Britain’s generals told Chamberlain that they only had two divisions they could send to Europe to fight Germany. Chamberlain was told that Hitler had one hundred highly trained divisions. The RAF only received its first Spitfires in August 1938. It would have been suicidal to attack Germany in 1936 or 1938, Many influential Americans living in Europe believed that Germany was unbeatable. The U.S. ambassador to Britain, Joe Kennedy, and Charles Lindbergh advised that resistance was futile and Britain was finished. Lindbergh had lived in England in the 1930s and had visited Germany, he even received a medal from Goering, head of the Luftwaffe. Lindbergh claimed that the Luftwaffe was invincible and Britain did not stand a chance. Britain eventually went to war in 1939 and the extra twelve months made a difference. The country had more planes and trained pilots than it would have had in 1938. In 1940, the RAF was able to defeat the Luftwaffe in the Battle of Britain,
In 1940, Orwell supported Churchill’s rise to the premiership. He believed that there was nobody in British politics with the guts or imagination to fight Hitler. Churchill galvanized the British in a way nobody else could. Later, some Britons believed that Churchill had been played by FDR since Britain emerged from the war poor, and weak. Ricks disputes this and portrays America's leaders as noble, men of integrity who wanted the best for Britain. Other American writers have recently questioned this interpretation and suggested that the U.S. was much more Machiavellian. Lynne Olson in her book "Those Angry Days" points out that there was considerable anti-British feeling in America before the war and this was shared by the U.S. military. George Marshall and his top brass had been pro-German and had resisted helping Britain. This has been airbrushed from history.
According to the American economist, Benn Steil who wrote “The Battle of Bretton Woods: John Maynard Keynes, Harry Dexter White, and the Making of a New World Order," FDR’s administration saw Britain as its main post-war rival. They wanted the U.S. to be the world's leading power and one of FDR's war aims was to dismantle the British Empire. In terms of aid, the U.S. was much more generous to the Soviet Union and China than it was to the UK. Churchill also concluded some disastrous arms deals with FDR, which Ricks ignores. Britain effectively went bankrupt in 1947.
Ricks also criticizes Tony Blair for naively invoking the “special relationship” in his support of the Iraq War in 2003. Ricks also blames Blair for damaging UK-U.S. relations by supporting the Iraq War. This is a bit rich since Blair was trying to be loyal to an ally. He faced fierce domestic opposition to the Iraq War and is extremely unpopular in Britain today. Gordon Brown, who succeeded Blair as prime minister, recently claimed that Blair was misled by George Bush. Brown believes that the U.S. knew that there was no evidence that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction. The British establishment feels duped, and this could do a lot more damage to U.S.-UK relations in the long term.
Ricks believes that both Churchill and Orwell were concerned about individual freedom. For Churchill, WW2 was a war “to establish, on impregnable rocks, the rights of the individual, and it is a war to establish and revive the stature of man.” For Orwell, “If this war is about anything at all, it is a war in favor of freedom of thought.” Ricks believes that Orwell was primarily concerned about preserving privacy. The book is good on Orwell. On Churchill, Ricks gives us the legend. For all his mistakes, Churchill’s personality and drive helped save Britain in 1940 and 1941, and that is why he is celebrated in his home country.
If any reader or history or literary aficionado may attest to is that Winston Churchill and George Orwell and their works spanned boundaries from culture, economics, politics and social issues. But at first glance of the first few passages of the book one may wonder beyond the parallels that many are familiar with Orwell’s editorial and literary criticism and Churchill’s boisterous speeches, their early careers and personal backgrounds further parallel and intersect, especially during the 1930s. An it is this premise of the book that Ricks suggests in the first chapter, two events that made their lives intersect and intertwine but in way of the so-called six degrees of separation. The men possessed common traits – Orwell served in the Spanish Civil War of 1936-39 and Churchill in the Boer War in Africa 1899-1902 and each had been war correspondents, and it is these two traits that the book subtly centers upon and then expands to events that will occur there after; also, Ricks was inspired by the two men and in his own personal and professional life as writer and war correspondent during the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. No doubt, Orwell and Churchill were men of the most memorable words that still carry on today. Orwell’s writing rings loudly as one reads, “If liberty means anything at all, it means to tell people what they do not want to hear.” On the other hand, Churchill glares with much thought, “Young people should be careful in their reading, as old people in eating their food. They should not eat too much. They should chew it well” (10). Churchill had a way with words, and a life that was quite adventurous and amazing as a self-educated intellectual and thinker who had not attended University but his most illustrious career in the military where he fought in the most historic campaigns and wars, especially the First World War and led a country through war and played a major role to victoriously fought Nazism, speaks more than a thousand words. Orwell, too, fought Nazism as well as political ills that worked against democracy that showed in his writings, especially the most controversial and still widely read books that every student of literature or those assigned in every English class “1984” and “Animal Farm;” Ricks includes within the biography brief critical analysis of each book. Bottom line, Churchill and Orwell were the most worldly men for their times and this entrancing concise biography further stresses that sentiment.
After reading Churchill and Orwell, for readers that have already delved into the individual biographies that have already documented and written of these most monumental men, they may not find anything new. However, for the curious reader that finds understanding and looks beyond comparisons and for the sheer pleasure of reading biographies, the book will leave one asking questions and revisiting this part of history that concentrates on the most pivotal periods of the 1930s and 1940s as they relate to the lives of Churchill and Orwell.
Top reviews from other countries
A case is well presented to show that both men were individualistic and libertarian by instinct. They showed great courage in being prepared to places their careers in jeopardy in the course of what they considered to be right. And both men were prepared to tell uncomfortable truths -Churchill in the 1930's concerning how deluded the Appeasement Policy was. Whilst Orwell after his experience in the Spanish Civil War, was not afraid to show how Communism had become a totalitarian movement, and the Left media just as capable as the Right in lying to their reader. They both made enemies from their own side as it were.
Yet their differences were immense. Notably Churchill had to deal with the realities of exercising political power, Orwell did not - besides being a police officer in Burma and captain in the Spanish Civil War. Churchill was born in a palace and revelled in wealth and extravagance . Orwell was ashamed of his middle class background. Churchill was a key player in World War 2 and was humiliated in an election defeat in 1945. Orwell was hardly noticed in the 1930's and for most of the War years .
The author rushes over Orwell's writings before 'Homage to Catalonia' , missing that the pessimism of '1984' with the crushing of the individual was already a theme of the early novels. Similar to Thomas Hardy's gloomier tales. Churchill suffered from depression but had the endearing talent to promote optimism against impossible odds during World War 2. This book is worth reading with a massive array of footnotes.








