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The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order Paperback – January 28, 1998
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From Library Journal
Copyright 1999 Reed Business Information, Inc.
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About the Author
- Print length368 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherSimon & Schuster
- Publication dateJanuary 28, 1998
- Dimensions6 x 1 x 9.5 inches
- ISBN-100684844419
- ISBN-13978-0684844411
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- Publisher : Simon & Schuster; First Edition (January 28, 1998)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 368 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0684844419
- ISBN-13 : 978-0684844411
- Item Weight : 14.4 ounces
- Dimensions : 6 x 1 x 9.5 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #2,093,308 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #2,813 in National & International Security (Books)
- #3,879 in Military Strategy History (Books)
- #8,940 in History & Theory of Politics
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About the author

Samuel P. Huntington (1927-2008) was the Albert J. Weatherhead III University Professor at Harvard and former chairman of the Harvard Academy for International and Area Studies. He authored and edited more than dozen books.
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On the basis of such examples, Huntington draws the painful conclusion that we (as Westerners) cannot universalize rights and principles that we hold dear and apply them to other peoples, governments and states that do not observe them. To do so, he warns, is false, immoral and dangerous. He asserts toward the close of his book: "Western intervention in the affairs of other civilizations is probably the single most dangerous source of instability and potential global conflict in a multicivilizational world." He advances an "abstention rule": that core states of one civilization abstain from intervening in the conflicts of other civilizations. He proposes that a constant seeking for common values, practices and institutions among different peoples, states and civilizations is the key to peace and world order in the realignment of nations taking place after the end of the Cold War.
THE CLASH OF CIVILIZATIONS was a bestselling book that was widely discussed and debated throughout America--in the popular media, in the halls of academe and in the chambers of government. Henry Kissinger endorsed it. Zbigniew Brzezinski called it revolutionary. Presumably every reader of FOREIGN AFFAIRS, where Huntington's initial statement was published, studied the book. This means all the world analysts in the Department of State, the Department of Defense and the Cabinet. It is hard to imagine another publication that had a greater chance of influencing US foreign policy. And yet, as the US prepared to go to war for a second time against Iraq, then went to war and got stuck, every single argument, proof and piece of advice packed into its nearly 400 pages was forgotten or ignored. All that was left was a catch-phrase, "clash of civilizations," which was denied and almost always misused.
Contrary to one of the reviews on this page, there is nothing simplistic about this book. The concepts of "civilization," "core state" and "fault-line war" are put forward with precise definitions, reasoned exposition and pertinent historical examples buttressed by statistical data and a full scholarly apparatus. Balkan politics are discussed in exacting detail, Chinese and Central Asian politics as well. Islamic militancy is examined with unflinching objectivity. Distinctions are drawn between domestic multiculturalism and foreign universalism which are hairsplitting, but crucial. The writing abounds in classifications and qualifications; often tedious, but often capped with a memorable maxim: "The great beneficiaries of the war of civilizations are those civilizations who abstained from it."
For me, the discussions of post-Soviet Russia and Eastern Europe are most instructive: "People could no longer identify as Communists, Soviet citizens or Yugoslavs, and desperately needed to find new identities. They found them in the old standbys of ethnicity and religion. The repressive but peaceful order of states committed to the proposition that there is no god was replaced by the violence of people committed to different gods." The presentation of civilizational alignments in the Afghan war of 1979-1989, the Tadzhikistan war of 1992 and the Chechen wars beginning in 1994 provides the background for ongoing conflicts today. The analysis of Sino-Russian politics and prospects brings us right up to the moment.
The failure of this book to prevent the very thing it warned against is very troubling and raises questions about the real impact of public discourse today. No doubt it is too much to ask power-mongers to re-read it, but for us mere mortals it is essential. We may not be able to change the world, but we at least want to understand it.
I find the author's thesis unconvincing for three reasons. First, nation-states remain the locus of international relations, and accordingly I find realism the most explanatory of international relations theories. At times, the author appears to acknowledge this: Orthodox Georgia has tense relations with Orthodox Russia, Confucian Vietnam has tense relations with Confucian China, Western Australia is contemplating pivoting to Confucian China, and Latin American Mexico is contemplating pivoting to Western United States. None of these situations are explained by civilizations theory, but all are explained by realism.
Second, when it comes to culture, ethnicity matters more civilization. Western Czechs and Western Slovaks split into separate nations, Orthodox Ukrainians fight to the death to be independent from Orthodox Russians, Islamic Punjabis slaughter Islamic Bengalis, and Islamic Arabs and Islamic Turks bomb Islamic Kurdish villages.
And third, at least within the West, education / intelligence is an increasing divisive factor even within nations and ethnic groups. As of the mid-2020s, politics in many Western countries consists of a left-wing party, supported by white cognitive elites and non-whites, and a right-wing party, supported by whites with less cognitive ability. And in the Western societies that are better at assimilating immigrants -- in particular, the UK and the USA -- even non-whites have begun to split along cognitive lines.
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It is interesting how to analyze Japans strategic role and ability in Big Politics of the world from the West.
Huntington démontre que ce qui a pu séduire (les asiatiques, le monde musulman, etc.) dans le modèle occidental, c'est le bien-être économique et la technologie, mais ce ne sont pas le modèle de société, les valeurs de démocratie, de tolérance et de respect de l'individu. L'accession au premier n'entraîne pas l'adoption de l'autre, et même bien au contraire, une fois que les peuples ont amélioré leurs conditions de vie et rattrapé leur retard, ils prennent en détestation ce qui leur apparaît (à tort ou à raison) comme l'impérialisme occidental. Ainsi, les terroristes ne sont-ils pas des illettrés, mais des gens éduqués parfois dans les meilleures universités occidentales, qui maîtrisent les techniques, internet, le pilotage des avions...
Au vu de la longue liste des conflits violents qui par presque toute la planète mettent en cause les musulmans contre à peu près tout le monde (occidentaux, Chinois, Indiens, Russes, pays africains...), il faut être un singulier Jocrisse pour croire et affirmer contre l'évidence même et le simple bon sens que l'Islam n'est pas incompatible avec la démocratie... mais ce sujet est à lui seul chez nous source de polémiques virulentes.
Le seul reproche que je ferai à Huntington est son réflexe anti-russe bien américain, qui lui fait considérer avec méfiance le monde orthodoxe comme distinct de la civilisation occidentale. Faut-il y voir de l'ignorance ou un attachement à un modèle issu de la guerre froide?
Les choses changeront j'en suis certain, elles ont déjà commencé à changer.
En tout cas, l'apport de ce livre controversé chez nous est considérable et a fait date!!















