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The Complacent Class: The Self-Defeating Quest for the American Dream Kindle Edition
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A Wall Street Journal and Washington Post Bestseller
"Tyler Cowen's blog, Marginal Revolution, is the first thing I read every morning. And his brilliant new book, The Complacent Class, has been on my nightstand after I devoured it in one sitting. I am at round-the-clock Cowen saturation right now."--Malcolm Gladwell
Since Alexis de Tocqueville, restlessness has been accepted as a signature American trait. Our willingness to move, take risks, and adapt to change have produced a dynamic economy and a tradition of innovation from Ben Franklin to Steve Jobs.
The problem, according to legendary blogger, economist and best selling author Tyler Cowen, is that Americans today have broken from this tradition—we’re working harder than ever to avoid change. We're moving residences less, marrying people more like ourselves and choosing our music and our mates based on algorithms that wall us off from anything that might be too new or too different. Match.com matches us in love. Spotify and Pandora match us in music. Facebook matches us to just about everything else.
Of course, this “matching culture” brings tremendous positives: music we like, partners who make us happy, neighbors who want the same things. We’re more comfortable. But, according to Cowen, there are significant collateral downsides attending this comfort, among them heightened inequality and segregation and decreased incentives to innovate and create.
The Complacent Class argues that this cannot go on forever. We are postponing change, due to our near-sightedness and extreme desire for comfort, but ultimately this will make change, when it comes, harder. The forces unleashed by the Great Stagnation will eventually lead to a major fiscal and budgetary crisis: impossibly expensive rentals for our most attractive cities, worsening of residential segregation, and a decline in our work ethic. The only way to avoid this difficult future is for Americans to force themselves out of their comfortable slumber—to embrace their restless tradition again.
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherSt. Martin's Press
- Publication dateFebruary 28, 2017
- File size2531 KB
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Editorial Reviews
Review
“[The Complacent Class] provides an open invitation for the reader to think deeply.” ―Derek Thompson, The Atlantic
“‘The Complacent Class' is refreshingly nonideological, filled with observations that will resonate with conservatives, liberals and libertarians. ... a useful corrective to the conventional wisdom that American ingenuity, sooner or later, will revive a low-growth economy.” ―The Wall Street Journal
“One of the most important reads of the new year.” ―National Review
"Tyler Cowen's blog, Marginal Revolution, is the first thing I read every morning. And his brilliant new book, The Complacent Class, has been on my nightstand after I devoured it in one sitting. I am at round-the-clock Cowen saturation right now."--Malcolm Gladwell
"Tyler Cowen is an international treasure. Endlessly inventive and uniquely wide-ranging, he has produced a novel account of what ails us: undue complacency. No one but Cowen would ask, 'Why Americans stopped rioting and instead legalized marijuana.' He admires risk-taking, and he likes restlessness, and he thinks the United States needs lots more of both. Don't be complacent: Read this book!"--Cass R. Sunstein, Harvard University, and author of #Republic: Divided Democracy in the Age of Social Media
"A book that will undoubtedly stir discussion"--Kirkus
Praise for The Great Stagnation:
"Cowen’s book… will have a profound impact on the way people think about the last thirty years."―Ryan Avent, Economist.com
"Tyler Cowen may very well turn out to be this decade's Thomas Friedman."--Kelly Evans, The Wall Street Journal
About the Author
Product details
- ASIN : B01JGMCCCQ
- Publisher : St. Martin's Press (February 28, 2017)
- Publication date : February 28, 2017
- Language : English
- File size : 2531 KB
- Text-to-Speech : Enabled
- Screen Reader : Supported
- Enhanced typesetting : Enabled
- X-Ray : Enabled
- Word Wise : Enabled
- Sticky notes : On Kindle Scribe
- Print length : 254 pages
- Best Sellers Rank: #548,765 in Kindle Store (See Top 100 in Kindle Store)
- #214 in Social Classes & Economic Disparity
- #328 in Economic Conditions (Kindle Store)
- #342 in Economic History (Kindle Store)
- Customer Reviews:
About the author

Tyler Cowen (/ˈkaʊ.ən/; born January 21, 1962) is an American economist, academic, and writer. He occupies the Holbert L. Harris Chair of economics, as a professor at George Mason University, and is co-author, with Alex Tabarrok, of the popular economics blog Marginal Revolution. Cowen and Tabarrok have also ventured into online education by starting Marginal Revolution University. He currently writes a regular column for Bloomberg View. He also has written for such publications as The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, Forbes, Time, Wired, Newsweek, and the Wilson Quarterly. Cowen also serves as faculty director of George Mason's Mercatus Center, a university research center that focuses on the market economy. In February 2011, Cowen received a nomination as one of the most influential economists in the last decade in a survey by The Economist. He was ranked #72 among the "Top 100 Global Thinkers" in 2011 by Foreign Policy Magazine "for finding markets in everything."
Bio from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
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His book is one-third cultural history and observation (think David Brooks’ Bobos in Paradise), one-third data analysis on American class stratification (think Charles Murray’s Coming Apart), and one-third blunt assessment of America’s macroeconomic outlook (in which he says something similar to what I said yesterday, in assessing the outlook: https://steemit.com/bitcoin/@brandonadams/bitcoin-macroeconomics).
The piece that Cowen’s book most reminded me of was a blog post, the most important post I have read in the past five years.
This was a post by @interfluidity called “Tradeoffs Between Inequality, Productivity, and Employment.” http://www.interfluidity.com/v2/3487.html
It’s hard to overstate in my mind exactly how good this post is, and a summary won’t do it justice.
Here are some key excerpts:
Wealth is about insurance much more than it is about consumption. As consumers, our requirements are limited. But the curve balls the universe might throw at us are infinite. If you are very wealthy, there is real value in purchasing yet another apartment in yet another country through yet another hopefully-but-not-certainly-trustworthy native intermediary. There is value in squirreling funds away in yet another undocumented account, and not just from avoiding taxes. Revolutions, expropriations, pogroms, these things do happen. These are real risks. Even putting aside such dramatic events, the greater the level of consumption to which you have grown accustomed, the greater the threat of reversion to the mean, unless you plan and squirrel very carefully. Extreme levels of consumption are either the tip of an iceberg or a transient condition. Most of what it means to be wealthy is having insured yourself well.
…
In “middle class” societies, wealth is widely distributed and most peoples’ consumption desires are not nearly sated. We constantly trade-off a potential loss of insurance against a gain from consumption, and consumption often wins because we have important, unsatisfied wants. So we employ one another to provide the goods and services we wish to consume. This leads to “full employment” — however many we are, we find ways to please our peers, for which they pay us. They in turn please us for pay. There is a circular flow of claims, accompanied by real activity we call “production”.
In economically polarized societies, this dynamic breaks down. The very wealthy don’t employ everybody, because the marginal consumption value of a new hire falls below the insurance value of retaining wealth.
Cowen’s book, in my opinion, does as good a job as any book I have read in spelling out exactly how the problems Waldman details manifest themselves in contemporary American society. The cultural story Cowen tells is one where a large segment of the elite (in Waldman’s context, those seeking additions to their wealth for insurance purposes) understand that the game as it’s being played today (manufactured asset price inflations, at a time when the distribution of assets is highly unequal) is highly inequitable and likely to end poorly, but, far from trying to rectify the situation, they do everything in their power to try to cement the status quo. Cowen has some great material in this area. He notes, echoing David Graeber, that “The complacent class very often has explicit bureaucratization on its side… Bureaucracy, whatever its other goals may be, is very much on the side of the complacent class.”
The problems that pile up as this process continues to unfold used to have narratives associated with them that implied that things were under control and problems would soon be addressed. But increasingly this narrative is being discarded and it’s a raw power game. Cowen describes a dig-in-the-heels mentality. On page 165: “So we pile up more and more issues of this kind, namely ones that don’t require resolution right now. The end result is likely to be that we lose our capacity to solve them at all, whether today, tomorrow, or any other time in the future.” And, later, “as the years pass, it seems increasingly obvious that the social and economic stagnation of our times is more than just a temporary blip; instead, that stagnation reflects deeply rooted structural forces that will be not easy to undo by mere marginal reforms.”
That said, the book is a useful collection of a lot of interesting trends, especially on declining mobility. And the overall argument is very important -- speaking as someone in the business world where there's still too much talk about the supposed extreme dynamism of the internet age.
I also found the book unnecessarily pessimistic. It's almost as though the author thinks complacency is bad in itself, so he wants to scare us into thinking terrible things are on the horizon. Most of the book is about good news -- we're complacent for a reason -- but the book keeps trying to suggest a dark side. Surely there is a dark side to all these developments (and the opioid etc crisis is a real problem), but we've handled far worse and still achieved a society that's amazingly better than what we had in previous centuries on just about every dimension. The very end of the book briefly takes up Stephen Pinker's Better Angels book, but doesn't take that powerful argument for social progress seriously. There's also no mention of Gregory Clark's Farewell to Alms, which makes a similar if less obvious argument about economics.
The book almost bizarrely suggests that the current violence in the Middle East and Ukraine is strong evidence of cyclicality in world affairs, not progress -- and cites the ancient Greek view that true progress is an illusion. I think what the book really means is that progress is often a matter of two steps forward and one step back, and we might be in for an extended period of stepping back.
Finally, the book has almost nothing to say about how we might be developing new kinds of restlessness that might be more positive, less disruptive than the restlessness it predicts. It doesn't look at how people have been exploring all sorts of new dimensions in culture and religion -- all of which makes sense simply on Maslow's hierarchy of needs. Affluence really does change how we deal with the world.
This hits home when the author talks about our failure to invest in infrastructure, and specifically through private as well as public means. The reader thinks... well, maybe Mr. Trump will spend a trillion or so on this, so the corner is turned?
The larger goal here is to commit sociology, as George Will says. The sociology is backed by solid statistics. Americans move less, we divorce less, we seek challenges less, we strive less, and we are therefore more complacent. This is a bad thing, because stasis might be comfort, at first, but fosters a lack of resiliency, of dynamism, that can doom a society. It starts, not with the Fall of Rome, but with the second helping at the buffet... so to speak.
I concur with some of the analysis here, and Mr. Trump's America is still sleepy. Young men no longer train for war, they play Just Cause III. We are a nation of couch potatoes, and our public policy does not trend towards greatness. If the Clintons were in the White House, this book would be trenchant. It may still be after the Trump Revolution, or it may be the best written ill-timed book to come along in years.
Top reviews from other countries
〇これらの動きは、人が快適さを求めるならばある意味当然のことである。また、昨今の経済・社会では、インターネットによってmatchingが容易になったが、matchingとは似たもの同士を結びつける効果があるから現状維持的傾向を加速助長するものである。そう言われればたしかにそうかと思う。
〇アメリカを中国と比べるならば、極貧から大金持ちになるサクセスストーリーが多い中国(アリババのジャック馬)に対してそのような話を聞かなくなった(ザッカーバーグもハーバードの学生だった)アメリカは、より静的社会であり、世代間の所得逆転は生まれにくい。しかしながら、考えてみれば、革命・戦争等によって破壊された社会が極貧からの成功者を生み、次の世代ではかかる成功者の子弟が富裕層となり、徐々に社会階層が固定していくのは自然な進展であり、現在の中国はこの初期にあたり、アメリカは後期にあたるというだけのことだ。
〇では、この状態が永続的に続くかというとそうは行かない。アメリカの「落ち着き」は維持するのにコストがかかる。その経済が活力を失い、税収も増えないとすれば、そのコストを負担することはできない。最近、弱者(黒人)から不満が提起されてこと、トランプのポピュリズムが支持を集めているが、これはアメリカ社会・経済の変調、将来の不安定を予告するものではないか、と著者は言う(このあたりは、やや強引な議論のように思われる)。
〇結局のところ、著者が言いたかったことは「米国民は平穏と安定を受け入れてこれを享受している。しかしいずれこの時代は終わって再び混乱と変動の時代がやってくる。それが時の流れというものだ」ということに尽きるようだ。
He sees the problem in the fact that America is ‘building its core culture and norms and politics more and more around people and families who aren’t mobile across the generations and who have a relatively static and stratified sense of how things work’. In other words, around the ‘complacent class’. This is the class of people no longer interested in movement – of any sort; whether to move abroad for work, or even moving across states. People no longer looking at car ownership as a rite of passage. 69% of Millennials at 17 years of age have a driver’s licence in 1983. Now, it is down to 50%.
This is due to the riches of the past generations, according to Cowen. ‘Collectively, as a nation, we used this newfound wealth to protect ourselves against risk, and to build and cement a much safer and more static culture’. The country needs to re-examine its present political stagnation and the erosion of true democracy. However, his economic reforms which includes scaling down expenditure on social security may be debatable. But that is what is urgently required – a debate over these issues rather than rhetoric.







