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The Conquerors: Roosevelt, Truman and the Destruction of Hitler's Germany, 1941-1945 Paperback – October 7, 2003
| Michael R. Beschloss (Author) Find all the books, read about the author, and more. See search results for this author |
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With monumental fairness and balance, The Conquerors shows how Roosevelt privately refused desperate pleas to speak out directly against the Holocaust, to save Jewish refugees, and to explore the possible bombing of Auschwitz to stop the killing. The book also shows FDR's fierce will to ensure that Germany would never threaten the world again. Near the end of World War II, he abruptly endorsed the secret plan of his friend, Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau, to reduce the Germans to a primitive existence—despite Churchill's fear that crushing postwar Germany would let the Soviets conquer the continent. The book finally shows how, after FDR's death, President Truman rebelled against Roosevelt's tough approach and adopted the Marshall Plan and other more conciliatory policies that culminated in today's democratic, united Europe.
As Presidents Roosevelt and Truman led the United States in World War II in Europe, they dealt with the question of what kind of government should be imposed on Nazi Germany to ensure that Germany could never again drag the world into war. The Conquerors tells the story with much intimate detail and color of how FDR and Truman privately struggled in their own minds and with titanic allies like Winston Churchill and Josef Stalin, through summits and secret messages, to answer that question.
- Print length416 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- Publication dateOctober 7, 2003
- Dimensions6.18 x 1.14 x 9.21 inches
- ISBN-100743244540
- ISBN-13978-0743244541
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Editorial Reviews
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The Wall Street Journal Opinion Journal, "Editor's Choice" A gripping narrative of the struggles at the end of World War II...to ensure that Nazi Germany would never be allowed to repeat its horrific acts.
Richard Bernstein The New York Times The main lesson of Mr. Beschloss's fine study is that what happens after a war is as important as what happens on the battlefield.
Jim Hoagland The Washington Post An incomparable account.
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Product details
- Publisher : Simon & Schuster (October 7, 2003)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 416 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0743244540
- ISBN-13 : 978-0743244541
- Item Weight : 1.02 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.18 x 1.14 x 9.21 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #314,115 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #337 in International Diplomacy (Books)
- #735 in Jewish Holocaust History
- #913 in European Politics Books
- Customer Reviews:
About the author

Michael Beschloss is the author of nine books on presidential history, including, most recently, the New York Times bestsellers Presidential Courage and The Conquerors, as well as two volumes on Lyndon Johnson’s White House tapes. He was also editor of the number-one global bestseller Jacqueline Kennedy: Historic Conversations on Life with John F. Kennedy. He is the NBC News Presidential Historian and a PBS NewsHour contributor and has received an Emmy and six honorary degrees. He is on Twitter at @BeschlossDC.
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Basically it was: Chaos. All those able men below them were never sure where they stood. Who had the bosses ear? Who did he talk to last? Is he mad at me today? They'd play one advisor against another & it worked. Nobody knew everything except FDR & Hitler & it mostly was in their head. But by November, 1944 FDR was dying & Hitler was a physical & mental wreck. Stalin,Churchill, Ike & later, Truman were up to the task.
This book spent a lot of time on Henry Morgenthau, Treasury Secretary. He was FDR next door neighbor at Hyde Park & his best friend. He abused this special relationship, which allowed him to interfere in post-war plans for Germany. He had no special qualifications but he was a Jew. His plans for all Germans was harsh indeed. His proposal was a complete destruction of German industry. A pastoral Germany pre-Industrial Revolution, pre-unification & pre-Bismark. Germans were to subsist on what they could produce. Germany had not fed itself in the 20th century & this would have led to starvation. One of Morganthau's favorite lines was: "Three bowls of soup every day for every German." Now FDR hated the Germans & he humored Moganthau. But FDR's idea was to leave intact Germany's industrial capacity, which at the end of the war was still considerable, & turn it over to Great Britian for their use. At this point Great Britain was bankrupt. Churchill knew, with his keen foresight, that a strong Germany would be an important ally in the coming "Cold War" with the Soviets.
Harry Truman was inexcusably kept in the dark on all post war planning. Then FDR died. But Harry was a quick study & rapidly grew into the presidency & was soon up to speed. As Morgenthau & all the old cronies of the previous 12 years discovered, Truman was no FDR.
This work is the story of how the United States, in concert with its allies, gestated its final plans for the conquest of Germany. One naturally gravitates toward Franklin D. Roosevelt as the leading man for such a drama, but in truth this book, like the events themselves, pivots around the persona of Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau, Jr. That Morgenthau was Jewish, one of few of his faith to achieve such status to that time, adds poignancy to the tale. Beschloss describes Morgenthau as perhaps Roosevelt's closest friend in the cabinet, a bond developed over their years together as neighboring self-styled gentlemen farmers in Dutchess County, NY. Despite Morgenthau's perceptions and desires, it was not exactly a friendship of equals. As was his wont, Roosevelt managed his communications with Morgenthau in the ethereal fashion of all his working associates. In truth Morgenthau enjoyed cabinet status because of difficulties Roosevelt had encountered earlier with the scrutinies of more independent men in the Treasury, Dean Acheson among them.
His affection for Roosevelt notwithstanding, Morgenthau felt a particular responsibility to Jews under persecution in Nazi occupied territory. Early in the conflict Morgenthau had focused upon relocation of Jews from Germany and elsewhere, but as the War unfolded and the scope of atrocities became gradually evident to policy makers, Morgenthau pressured Roosevelt to make rescue of Jews a major priority during the engagement. Such considerations collided with concurrent Cabinet debate about the status and treatment of postwar Germany. This was not a matter of hawks and doves as much as a question of priorities. Instinctually, most policy makers wanted a hard peace for both military and punitive reasons. The question was how much of Germany's industrial infrastructure to destroy or spare in response to its crimes, a critical matter as 1944 hurried into 1945.
By 1944 Winston Churchill had his fill of German militarism and would gladly have endorsed a Shermanesque solution to the German problem. Living through his second major encounter with the German military machine, he advocated utter annihilation of the nation's infrastructure, including its factories in the Ruhr Valley. Joseph Stalin, ever fearful of his west flank, would easily come around to Churchill's position as well, motivated not only by a will to survive but an opportunity to expand Communist hegemony.
Morgenthau, despite his closeness to Roosevelt, was gradually losing place in the Cabinet. His peers believed that his Jewish faith and priorities blinded him to other military, political, and economic issues that worried them, and with reason. Beschloss makes splendid use of official minutes and private diaries to trace the strategic shifting going on around Roosevelt--insights into the concerns and motivations of Henry Stimson, Cordell Hull, and particularly John McCloy, who at the end of the day would probably do the most to derail Morgenthau's postwar vision.
Roosevelt's 1944 Quebec meeting with Churchill, with Morgenthau in attendance, convinced the latter--wrongly, as it would turn out--that his boss and the Prime Minister were solidly behind his call for a hard and vengeful peace, the Morgenthau Plan. He returned home entirely justified, so much so that he felt emboldened to steer certain aspects of his peace plan toward the Washington Post, with added hints of opposition among certain cabinet members. The fallout from public disclosure ignited massive political difficulties in nearly every quarter. Joseph Goebbels jumped upon Morgenthau's plan as evidence that Allied strategic planning was aimed at reducing Germany to the stone ages. Morgenthau was blamed for stiffening German resistance and costing American lives. Thomas Dewey, then running for president in the 1944 campaign, jumped upon the strategy ["as useful as ten fresh German divisions"] and the now apparent disarray of the cabinet. Roosevelt distanced himself from the plan and from its author Morgenthau, a painful and humiliating blow for the latter. Mercifully, Morgenthau was unaware at the time that his own closest confidant, Henry Dexter White, was a Russian spy.
The Battle of the Bulge, reported by American intelligence sources as a German response to the Morgenthau Plan, was probably the last straw that ended his influence upon conduct of the war. But other factors were weighing heavily upon the Allies. As western armies began crossing into Germany itself, the enormous damage already wrought upon the country's substructure made it clear that economic chaos and starvation were very likely at the conclusion of hostilities. All parties to the conflict, and notably England, were heavily in debt. The idea of a post-war German welfare state worried the international business community [except, ironically, America's own chief treasury officer.] To destroy the existing mines and factories of the Ruhr Valley, for example, seemed less and less desirable. In addition, growing concern in England and the United States about Russian post-war ambitions led to a grudging recognition that Germany could not be entirely demilitarized.
On the other hand, Germany's heinous crimes of the half-century called for an appropriate response. Beschloss captures the dilemma of policy makers, torn between pragmatic and humanitarian concerns in the partition, punishment, and reorganization of Germany. The author presents his well researched account in a style marked by intimacy, immediacy and movement. He gives us another vantage point of the War. Assuming that we know something of how it was fought, Beschloss explains how it was ended--and how it could have ended.
The book focuses on the period 1941-1945, and Beschloss' writing style makes for easily understood reading. Although the book seems to spend a tremendous amount of time discussing Henry Morgenthau (Roosevelt's Secretary of the Treasury), this is easily understood as the plot unfolds.
I thoroughly enjoyed the book and would recommend it to everyone interested in the political history of the World War II era. I feel that the only drawback to the book is that there is an entire chapter devoted to post wartime activities in Germany. In my opinion, this chapter is unnecessary, since neither Roosevelt nor Truman was strongly involved in the daily operations in Germany after the war ended.


