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The Conscience of a Conservative (The James Madison Library in American Politics, 11) Paperback – April 23, 2007
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In 1960, Barry Goldwater set forth his brief manifesto in The Conscience of a Conservative. Written at the height of the Cold War and in the wake of America's greatest experiment with big government, the New Deal, Goldwater's message was not only remarkable, but radical. He argued for the value and importance of conservative principles--freedom, foremost among them--in contemporary political life. Using the principles he espoused in this concise but powerful book, Goldwater fundamentally altered the political landscape of his day--and ours.
- Print length176 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherPrinceton University Press
- Publication dateApril 23, 2007
- Dimensions4.7 x 0.7 x 7.9 inches
- ISBN-100691131171
- ISBN-13978-0691131177
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Editorial Reviews
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"The new Conscience of a Conservative takes what might be called the 'anti-fusionist' side in the Goldwater wars...The Conscience of a Conservative continues to be read today because it isn't a political tract, a soulless campaign book of the sort generated by every other modern presidential effort."---Daniel McCarthy, The American Conservative
"Praise for the original edition: "Goldwater's conservatism is not isolationism, nor is it a cold-blooded commitment to the 'haves' as against the 'have-nots.' It is the creed of a fighter who has both a warm heart and a clear mind.""---John Chamberlain, Wall Street Journal
"Praise for the original edition: "There is more harsh fact and hard sense in this slight book than will emerge from all of the chatter of this year's session of Congress. . . . Sen. Goldwater is one of a handful of authentic conservatives. . . . [H]e has the clarity of courage and the courage of clarity.""---George Morgenstern, Chicago Tribune
"It is good that C.C. Goldwater brings us this new edition. It directs new attention to a political figure who, though fiery, was never mean-spirited or unfairly partisan."---Max J. Skidmore, European Legacy
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Product details
- Publisher : Princeton University Press; Revised edition (April 23, 2007)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 176 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0691131171
- ISBN-13 : 978-0691131177
- Item Weight : 6 ounces
- Dimensions : 4.7 x 0.7 x 7.9 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,798,487 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #376 in Arms Control (Books)
- #1,534 in Civics & Citizenship (Books)
- #3,412 in Political Conservatism & Liberalism
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Mr. Goldwater is right in many of the things he says, particularly about individual freedoms and the Constitutionally-mandated limit of the scope of the federal government (the 10th. amendment), but he is wrong about accusing liberals of being concerned with only people's material well-bring. In fact, therein lies the main problem.
Given the zeitgeist of the United States today, the less-powerful members of society don't stand a chance without government protection. I look at government in the same way as I look at a football referee: he is there to insure that the rules are followed so that the game is played fairly and that the players are protected, within reason, from serious harm. What would happen if the power of the referee was minimized to the point that only the most brutal players -- those who want the referee's role to be as limited as possible -- succeeded? It's fine to believe in the saintly character of all people, but it's just not reality.
Conservatives want the federal government to be as small a part of their lives as possible, but are the states so beneficent? Most of the states today have more people living in them today than were living in the entire country in 1789, so shouldn't they be regarded with the same fear as the federal government of the late eighteenth century?
I agree that (all) government should be as limited as possible, but unfortunately in the complex country and world that we live in today, that role is by necessity large and complex. Trade should be restricted as little as possible, but are the states and/or the people equipped to control enormous businesses that are corrupt, seeking to maximize their profits in any way possible? Who caused the current financial crisis? Corrupt banks, investment houses, and insurance companies that did as they wished with peoples' money. It's unrealistic to think that all fifty states would protect their people from these corporate predators. Think Delaware.) Are the states and/or the people equipped to combat both domestic and international terrorism? Are the states and/or the people equipped to build and maintain the interstate highway system or air travel? Are they equipped to combat sophisticated criminals that operate in cyberspace, where there are no political boundaries?
I could go on and on but, along with Mr. Goldwater, I believe in the greatness of this country and its HONEST, DECENT, CARING people. In a far better country and world he would be right, but until the people and the states take it upon themselves to conduct affairs as though there was no need for a referee, the federal government must do its utmost to allow all people the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
Conscience of a Conservative is a great, inspiring book that contains much wisdom, but it's not the answer.
Senator Goldwater's reminds readers of the principles of conservatism upon which he believes his country was founded. Concerned about New Deal and Fair Deal policies and an increasing liberalism in both the Democratic and Republican parties, Goldwater urges readers to counter these trends. "This book is an attempt to bridge the gap between theory and practice. ...to show the connection between Conservative principles so widely espoused, and Conservative action, so generally neglected."
Goldwater discusses the problems with Federal concentration of power, the rights left to state and local government by the Constitution, and the roles that the Federal government should--and should not--play with respect to civil rights. He laments the destructive effects of subsidies which reward farmers for not producing. Goldwater's warnings about the concentration of power and funds in the hands of union leaders remains as relevant now as when originally written. Taxation is addressed next, with an emphasis on the evils of confiscation. A closing chapter discusses the dangers of communism and the Soviet Union--threats which have thankfully been neutralized.
Some key quotes:
- "...the first principle of totalitarianism: that the State is competent to do all things and is limited in what it actually does only by the will of those who control the State."
- "A sociologist writes a paper proposing to abolish some inequity, or a politician makes a speech about it--and, behold, a new `civil right' is born!"
- "We have seen that unions perform their natural function when... association with the union is voluntary; the union confines its activities to collective bargaining; [and] the bargaining is conducted with the employer of the workers concerned."
- "The Red Cross benefits all of us, directly or indirectly, but no one suggests that Red Cross donations be compulsory. It is one thing to say that a man should contribute to an association that is purportedly acting in his interest; it is quite another thing to say that he must do so."
- "We have been led to look upon taxation as merely a problem of public financing: How much money does the government need?"
- "The only way to curtail spending substantially, is to eliminate the programs on which excess spending is consumed."
One need not agree with Goldwater to benefit from this book. Both conservatives and liberals will find it a useful outline of early conservative thought, untainted by the agenda of any current politician. It is an interesting exercise to compare this book to Paul Krugman's The Conscience of a Liberal . They are well-matched guides to the roots of present-day political thought.
Top reviews from other countries
Barry Goldwater clearly expounds the core principles of US constitutional conservatism that has dominated movement conservatism since Barry Goldwater's own ill-fated run for the White House in 1964.
For British conservatives, this book does have a lot of relevance despite its consistent reference to the US Constitution as it forms an important part of understanding how classical liberalism began to reemerge in the 1960's and would, under Reagan and Thatcher, become the dominant political economic theory from the 1980's to the present day.











