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The Constitution of Knowledge: A Defense of Truth Hardcover – June 22, 2021
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In what could be the timeliest book of the year, Rauch aims to arm his readers to engage with reason in an age of illiberalism.
NewsweekA New York Times Book Review Editors' Choice
Disinformation. Trolling. Conspiracies. Social media pile-ons. Campus intolerance. On the surface, these recent additions to our daily vocabulary appear to have little in common. But together, they are driving an epistemic crisis: a multi-front challenge to America's ability to distinguish fact from fiction and elevate truth above falsehood.
In 2016 Russian trolls and bots nearly drowned the truth in a flood of fake news and conspiracy theories, and Donald Trump and his troll armies continued to do the same. Social media companies struggled to keep up with a flood of falsehoods, and too often didn't even seem to try. Experts and some public officials began wondering if society was losing its grip on truth itself. Meanwhile, another new phenomenon appeared: cancel culture. At the push of a button, those armed with a cellphone could gang up by the thousands on anyone who ran afoul of their sanctimony.
In this pathbreaking book, Jonathan Rauch reaches back to the parallel eighteenth-century developments of liberal democracy and science to explain what he calls the Constitution of Knowledgeour social system for turning disagreement into truth.
By explicating the Constitution of Knowledge and probing the war on reality, Rauch arms defenders of truth with a clearer understanding of what they must protect, why they must doand how they can do it. His book is a sweeping and readable description of how every American can help defend objective truth and free inquiry from threats as far away as Russia and as close as the cellphone.
- Print length318 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherBrookings Institution Press
- Publication dateJune 22, 2021
- Dimensions6.35 x 1.03 x 9.1 inches
- ISBN-100815738862
- ISBN-13978-0815738862
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Editorial Reviews
Review
The digital age was supposed to bring about the blessings of unlimited knowledge fueled by radically egalitarian free speech allowing everyone to access, share, and learn from freely available information to the benefit and progress of all. Instead, an epistemic crisis supercharged by viral disinformation and indifference to truth has bred deep cynicism about the benefits of free speech and the liberal ideals that underpin this increasingly unpopular idea. In his unputdownable new book, Jonathan Rauch provides both a surgically precise diagnosis and a promising cure for the ailments that torment the twenty-first century with its crisis of authority, distrust, and rampant tribalism. We ignore Rauch’s warning and prescription at our own peril.
Jacob Mchangama, founder and executive director of Justitia; author of Free Speech: A History from Socrates to Social Media
Liberty, of course, requires constant vigilance, but who would have thought until recently that the idea of truth needed defending? Sadly, we now see that it does, but happily, Jonathan Rauch has come to the rescue of both truth and liberty in this thought-provoking, essential work.
Mitchell E. Daniels Jr., president of Purdue University and former governor of Indiana
Rauch's graceful and accessible writing takes us into the abyss of a dark new age, where Trumpian disinformation and even stifling wokeness threaten the search for truth, but then shows us the path to reality-based uplands. Rauch proves there really is a constitution of knowledge, if we can only keep it.
James Comey, former FBI director; author of A Higher Loyalty and Saving Justice
The ability to talk in good faith about a shared reality is a foundational element of civics that we didn’t know we had until we suddenly and surprisingly lost it. Jonathan Rauch explains how we got it in the first place and how we are now letting it slip away. His telling of the story is well grounded in history and philosophy as well as in the very latest dispatches from the meme wars. Readers will come away from The Constitution of Knowledge not just concerned about the mess we’re in, but also with new ideas as to how we might dig ourselves out of it.
Neal Stephenson, author of Snow Crash and Fall; or Dodge in Hell
Why can't we have shared facts anymore? The most profound and useful answer is contained in this book. Jonathan Rauch shows us how it is that societies ever come to know things. It is only after we appreciate the miracle of knowledge production (the constitution of knowledge) that we can understand the tragedy befalling us now, as key institutions and practices decay. This book is a magnificent integration of psychology, epistemology, and history. It is among the three or so most important books I have read in the last five years. It is a joy to readdeep insight after deep insight, embedded in playful writing, about one of the most important problems of the 2020s.
Jonathan Haidt, Thomas Cooley Professor of Ethical Leadership, NYU-Stern School of Business; author of The Righteous Mind; co-author of The Coddling of the American Mind
Long one of the country’s wisest and most honest voices, Jonathan Rauch has written a hugely valuable and necessary book, an illuminating exploration of the flight from fact. If, as the Gospel of John put it, the truth shall set us free, then count Rauch among the liberators.
Jon Meacham, historian; author of His Truth Is Marching On: John Lewis and the Power of Hope
Thanks to a global epidemic of nihilistic trolling, manipulative disinformation, and addictive outrage, modern democracies are facing an existential challenge: it's not merely that their citizens don't agree on politics, they don't agree on the nature of truth itself. In The Constitution of Knowledge, Jonathan Rauch offers an original definition of this epistemological crisis, as well as a range of innovative solutions. It’s no exaggeration to say that this is a book that anyone who cares about truth and democracy needs to read.
Anne Applebaum, author of Twilight of Democracy: The Seductive Lure of Authoritarianism
Twenty-five years ago, Jonathan Rauch’s Demosclerosis ignited interest in the problem of government immobilized, like Gulliver among the Lilliputians, by thousands of threads of transactions on behalf of factions. Now this singularly talented analyst addresses an even more dangerous problemthe collapse of shared standards of truth. He is a James Madison for this era, a framer of a Constitution of Knowledge.
George F. Will, author of The Conservative Sensibility
In what could be the timeliest book of the year, Rauch aims to arm his readers to engage with reason in an age of illiberalism. Nothing is off limits in this ingenious work which builds on his Kindly Inquisitors. Anyone curious about the state of American discourse and culture will devour it.Juliana Rose Pignataro, Newsweek
“Mr Rauch’s book is a manifesto for liberals and eccentrics, which explains how carefully the great, distributed knowledge-making network has been assembled, how enduring it has proved—yet how fragile it seems.”
—The Economist
"In 'The Constitution of Knowledge,' Jonathan Rauch makes a convincing case that we still need our institutions of expertise and the people who work for them. . . . Mr. Rauch’s defense of the constitution of knowledge is an insightful and important reminder of the real goods produced by expertise."
—The Wall Street Journal
"It’s a great book, truly important in the pantheon of defenses of free speech, free thought, and the commitment to truth, the perfect counter to post-truth claims on the left and populist truth claims on the right. Destined to be a classic, in the tradition of John Stuart Mill’s On Liberty.”
—Michael Shermer, Publisher Skeptic magazine, Presidential Fellow Chapman University, author of The Moral Arc and Giving the Devil His Due
About the Author
Product details
- Publisher : Brookings Institution Press (June 22, 2021)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 318 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0815738862
- ISBN-13 : 978-0815738862
- Item Weight : 1.53 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.35 x 1.03 x 9.1 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #169,769 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #57 in Media & Internet in Politics (Books)
- #135 in Civics & Citizenship (Books)
- #259 in Censorship & Politics
- Customer Reviews:
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About the author

At about age 20, I realized that (1) I didn't have the talent to be a musician, and (2) I didn't have the concentration to specialize. Naturally, I became a journalist. My first managing editor, Joe Goodman, at the Winston-Salem Journal, used to say: "Everyone has a story to tell; your job is to find it." In my books, I tell stories about Japan, free inquiry, government sclerosis, gay marriage, sexual denial, political realism, and--most recently--why life gets better after 50. I've won the National Magazine Award and some other prizes and been called (wrongly) "doctor" and "professor." To me, though, the highest honorific is: journalist. For my official bio: www.jonathanrauch.com.
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Rauch first describes the rules of reality in a sound epistemic order. The first is the fallibilist rule: No one gets the final say. Here he invokes Karl Popper and the concept of falsifiability. An idea must withstand continuous attempts to render it incorrect. A claim cannot be asserted as true if it is not open to critique or open to be falsified. And if it is an unfalsifiable idea in theory, it is impossible to verify its veracity. The second is the empirical rule: No one has personal authority. A claim has to be true based on the methods used to establish it, and can be corroborated by a multiplicity of independent checkers. In other words, nothing is true because one person or text or edict says it is true. Rauch then makes the argument that knowledge is ultimately social and shared. His point here is just that free speech, free expression, diversity, and pluralism function to diminish error in the epistemic order.
There are two big problems facing the epistemic order, two that Rauch identifies in depth. The first is “troll epistemology” on the political right, a nihilist doctrine that serves to confuse and paralyze. The second is what he calls the “coercive conformity” of cancel culture on the left.
Donald Trump is propped up as a prime example of the first problem, epitomizing the destruction of truth by incessant, indiscriminate lying. He and his troll army utilized techniques straight from the Soviet Communist playbook. Says Rauch: “Trump and his media echo chambers were normalizing lying in order to obliterate the distinction, in the public realm, between truth and untruth. […] They lied in trivial ways, when there was no point in lying except to show contempt for truth…” Rauch argues that they lied in this way “because their goal was to denude the public’s capacity to make any distinctions at all.” The goal with this is not to offer an alternative set of opinions or hypotheses, but merely to confuse and ultimately paralyze the epistemic wanderers, ensuring they never find true north. “The goal was demoralization,” and to “annihilate truth.”
The second problem is cancel culture on the “illiberal left,” as it is sometimes called. Rauch digs into the authoritarian (and utterly contraindicative) commandments stemming from this corner of our epistemic world. This series of “silencing” campaigns have seemingly corrupted our universities, striking fear into professors and students alike, lest their careers and livelihoods be tarnished. As Rauch points out, though, this seems to be the tyranny of a few; most people are coerced into a spiral of silence but don’t themselves agree with the ideology of the wicked few, the zealous ideologues of aggrieved purity. And it also seems to be the case that the university and social media Jacobins (as I have called them) don’t really believe their own calls for utopian social justice. “Because canceling is performative – a show one puts on for one’s social group – rather than argumentative, it has no interest in evaluating an idea. Normally, it has no real interest in ideas at all. For that reason, there is no telling what might trigger a campaign.”
In the end and throughout, Rauch offers us weapons in the service of epistemic combat. He itemizes ways to confront the enemies of free speech and viewpoint diversity, and in the process authenticate ourselves by defending truth and the messy process by which we obtain it. The “constitution of knowledge” is similar to our political constitution – it’s messy and democratic (certainly on the front end), and it is absolutely essential to defend and uphold with honor and integrity. He ends the book optimistically, and one is inspired in thrusting out one’s chest in pursuit of truth and intellectual honesty. But it is hard to overlook the deep epistemic confusion and nihilism and insanity germinating from the cavernous cesspools of the online world, or perhaps throttling up in the universities and leeching out disingenuously into corporate America. No matter the disillusionment or uphill climb, one thing is certain: we are to lace up our gloves. The reality-based community does not have a real choice here. We have to close the nozzle on the firehose of falsehoods, and it is difficult work that must be done all the time. Rauch’s book is a fantastic and important step in this effort, and he articulates the problem – as well as the promise – with fervor and aplomb.
I will try to apply my learning from the book and look at my own bias as a potential catalyst for my concerns. Perhaps he can learn from Jonathan Haidt who was the inspiration of the book. Haidt has a skill of writing and identifying concerns without recognizable bias.
Again, overall, I think he has organized and stated his ideas well and I am glad I bought the book. But his personal scars from Trump really did seem like Trump Derangement syndrome and less like examples to help the reader understand his point.
Plan on some further readings of Rauch's books articles. Way more good in the book than bad.
And guess what? We might have a couple of Mr. Rauch’s named bad actors, Fox News and Donald Trump, to thank for it.
The Geneva Accords on the conduct of warfare are self-enforcing. Nations and armies at war respect them—not because there’s some divine agency monitoring their conduct—but because all sides in a conflict are prepared to conduct reprisals against violators. Hitler didn’t avoid using poison gas against the Western Allies out of the goodness of his heart (six million gassed Jews are unavailable for comment); he didn’t use poison gas because the Americans and British had stockpiles of poison gas and delivery systems in theatre ready to go if the German military crossed that line.
For each of Mr. Rauch’s examples of Donald Trump’s casual respect for truth, I can counter with an example of a Democrat politician’s lies. (E.g., Hillary Clinton’s claim that the attack on our consulate in Benghazi was caused by a YouTube video.) For each of his examples of Fox News reporting sensationalized but not-well-fact-checked stories that pander to those of us on the right, I can counter with an example of a “mainstream” outlet pushing a story that panders to my friends on the left. (Recall that “fake but accurate” was how the New York Times described the forged memos claiming George W. Bush tried to avoid Vietnam service.) And for each example of Donald Trump using the Federal bureaucracy against his political opponents, I can counter with examples from his predecessor’s presidency. (Anyone recall Lois Lerner trying to explain why the IRS was denying and slow-walking tax exempt status for Tea Party organizations?)
So Mr. Rauch, welcome to my world. I regret that my side of the political aisle has been forced to implement the information warfare equivalent of Geneva Convention physical warfare reprisals to motivate leftist thinkers like you to call for a return to the principles and practices of the Constitution of Knowledge. Frankly, I voted for Donald Trump not because I thought he was a good man, but “because he fights”.
But even as late as you are to the party, again I say “welcome” and “well stated”. You have convinced me to shift my personal charitable donations from a Wikipedia competitor to the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education.
I hope your book signals the beginning of the breaking of the delirium fever of self-righteous closed epistemology that I’ve seen on the left for too many decades.
But I can’t resist asking two questions: (1) Since publication more facts have come out tending to confirm the hypothesis that COVID-19 was developed in a laboratory; want to revisit your casual dismissal of that as a conspiracy theory? And (2) perhaps in your next edition you might examine the phenomenon of scientists and policy makers falling back on statements like “the science is settled” and “a consensus of scientists exists” on the severity of the ‘existential’ threat of anthropogenic global warming and the necessity of drastic government interference with economic freedom?
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Reviewed in Canada 🇨🇦 on February 22, 2022








