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A Contest for Supremacy: China, America, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia Paperback – October 1, 2012
by
Aaron L. Friedberg
(Author)
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“Sober and well-informed. . . . A careful and compelling examination of the U.S.-Chinese relationship from a number of angles.”―Financial Times
There may be no denying China's growing economic strength, but its impact on the global balance of power remains hotly contested. Political scientist Aaron L. Friedberg argues that our nation's leaders are failing to act expeditiously enough to counter China's growing strength. He explains how the United States and China define their goals and reveals the strategies each is now employing to achieve its ends. Friedberg demonstrates in this provocative book that the ultimate aim of Chinese policymakers is to "win without fighting," displacing the United States as the leading power in Asia while avoiding direct confrontation. The United States, on the other hand, sends misleading signals about our commitments and resolve, putting us at risk for a war that might otherwise have been avoided. A much-needed wake-up call to U.S. leaders and policymakers, A Contest for Supremacy is a compelling interpretation of a rivalry that will go far to determine the shape of the twenty-first century.- Print length384 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherW. W. Norton & Company
- Publication dateOctober 1, 2012
- Dimensions5.6 x 1.2 x 8.3 inches
- ISBN-100393343898
- ISBN-13978-0393343892
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Editorial Reviews
Review
[Friedberg s] is the most thoughtful and informative of a stream of China-threat books that have come out since the mid-1990s. --Andrew J. Nathan"
A Contest for Supremacy is a rigorous and comprehensive account of the state of U.S.-China strategic relations, and by far, the most thoughtful and serious book to date on the topic. "
Considered, balanced, informative, and restrained. "
Friedberg has in fact written a judicious, measured assessment of the stakes between China and the United States over the next several decades . He accurately characterizes the willful, blinkered optimism about the direction of Sino-American relations in the academic and business communities and across significant portions of the U.S. government.' .[Friedberg] has relentlessly exposed the intellectual and strategic weaknesses and errors of the prevailing mindset in Washington. For this, in fact, he deserves great credit. --John R. Bolton (08/06/2011)"
His book is tough-minded and sometimes pessimistic but there is nothing hysterical about it. On the contrary, it is sober and well-informed A Contest for Supremacy offers a careful and compelling examination of the US-Chinese relationship from a number of angles. "
Friedberg s alarm soundings have authority. China s new wealth allows it to apply soft power in East Asia and elsewhere, its deployment of modern technology has counteracted American influence in the region, and its economy continues to thrive even as America bogs down in two wars. Friedberg s responses help keep this important issue front and center. --Alan Moores (07/15/2011)
A stern, carefully worded warning about why the United States should be more wary of China s meteoric rise . In a meticulously organized study Friedberg lays out the various ongoing arguments for containment or alignment, as well as what he extrapolates Chinese intentions to be . An important cry to heed: China s peaceful rise cannot disguise its aim to become world number one.
A Contest for Supremacy is a rigorous and comprehensive account of the state of U.S.-China strategic relations, and by far, the most thoughtful and serious book to date on the topic. "
Considered, balanced, informative, and restrained. "
Friedberg has in fact written a judicious, measured assessment of the stakes between China and the United States over the next several decades . He accurately characterizes the willful, blinkered optimism about the direction of Sino-American relations in the academic and business communities and across significant portions of the U.S. government.' .[Friedberg] has relentlessly exposed the intellectual and strategic weaknesses and errors of the prevailing mindset in Washington. For this, in fact, he deserves great credit. --John R. Bolton (08/06/2011)"
His book is tough-minded and sometimes pessimistic but there is nothing hysterical about it. On the contrary, it is sober and well-informed A Contest for Supremacy offers a careful and compelling examination of the US-Chinese relationship from a number of angles. "
Friedberg s alarm soundings have authority. China s new wealth allows it to apply soft power in East Asia and elsewhere, its deployment of modern technology has counteracted American influence in the region, and its economy continues to thrive even as America bogs down in two wars. Friedberg s responses help keep this important issue front and center. --Alan Moores (07/15/2011)
A stern, carefully worded warning about why the United States should be more wary of China s meteoric rise . In a meticulously organized study Friedberg lays out the various ongoing arguments for containment or alignment, as well as what he extrapolates Chinese intentions to be . An important cry to heed: China s peaceful rise cannot disguise its aim to become world number one.
About the Author
Aaron L. Friedberg is a professor of politics and international affairs at Princeton University's Woodrow Wilson School and a former deputy assistant for national security affairs in the Office of the Vice President. He lives in Princeton, New Jersey.
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Product details
- Publisher : W. W. Norton & Company; 1st edition (October 1, 2012)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 384 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0393343898
- ISBN-13 : 978-0393343892
- Item Weight : 1.05 pounds
- Dimensions : 5.6 x 1.2 x 8.3 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #936,279 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #1,800 in National & International Security (Books)
- #1,947 in Asian Politics
- Customer Reviews:
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4.5 out of 5 stars
4.5 out of 5
33 global ratings
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Reviewed in the United States on September 6, 2016
Verified Purchase
Roots of rivalry between China and U.S., the Mao's policy and the post seventies realm about balance of influence, power and strategies.
Reviewed in the United States on August 10, 2014
Verified Purchase
Well written with documentation to back up thesis. Hope this guy is wrong. Our current foreign policy does not seem to acknowledge the China threat.
Reviewed in the United States on April 27, 2012
Verified Purchase
Well written book on a very important topic. I found Friedberg's analysis and structure of the book easy to follow and comprehensive.
I particularly like the author's blend of background with analysis and forward-looking questioning. Sometimes books focus too much on the past at the cost of quality analysis, and this book avoids that trap.
I would recommend this book to anyone that wants a better understanding of the issue in a clearly written manner.
Cheers,
JFE
I particularly like the author's blend of background with analysis and forward-looking questioning. Sometimes books focus too much on the past at the cost of quality analysis, and this book avoids that trap.
I would recommend this book to anyone that wants a better understanding of the issue in a clearly written manner.
Cheers,
JFE
Reviewed in the United States on November 10, 2011
Verified Purchase
Professor Fridberg makes a case that China seeks to eject the US from East Asia. He seems to claim that most establishment figures have been seeing the relationship in rose colored lenses. He believes that the grand wager made by the US, that economic development in China will integrate it so closely with the world and develop pluralistic forces, has been a failure. He believes the US needs to emphasize the containment in contain/engagement. He believes war would ensue if the US did not contain China. All well and good. But he throws in unattributed information about millions of Chinese immigrants in Russia, and makes one believe that there is a dastardly Chinese plan to invade Burma by corrupting its officials, when it could just as easily be explained by natural human instincts to migrate to places with more opportunity.
And he never answers the question of whether the world can afford a cold/hot war between its two largest economies, each nuclear armed. A small disruption like 9/11 brought the US near to recession. An act of war would choke off world trade by raising insurance rates. It would push millions out of work. As Churchill said, it is better to jaw, jaw than to war, war.
And he never answers the question of whether the world can afford a cold/hot war between its two largest economies, each nuclear armed. A small disruption like 9/11 brought the US near to recession. An act of war would choke off world trade by raising insurance rates. It would push millions out of work. As Churchill said, it is better to jaw, jaw than to war, war.
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Reviewed in the United States on February 23, 2013
Verified Purchase
Can't say enough for this book. One may not agree with all of author's opinions but content extremely well presented with provocative backups for material. If one is interested in China, either singularly, or its present and potential future relationship with the USA, I highly recommend this book.
Reviewed in the United States on March 29, 2014
Verified Purchase
Thought provoking! Presents interesting ideas and theories regarding China's journey to become the preponderant super power of Asia and its attitude towards America's presence there.
Reviewed in the United States on December 30, 2011
Verified Purchase
In this book, Aaron Friedberg lays down the argument that China might become a serious threat to U.S. "interests" in the Pacific region mainly because of its increasing military expansion and its authoritarian regime. The author starts by analyzing the current status of China's regime and where it might be heading to. Friedberg sees several different scenarios that could develop in the coming years/decades.
These are the main ones: First, because of various reasons, China's regime might start tilting toward Democracy, and therefore, it will embrace values more in line with America's values, hence it will pose less of a threat. Furthermore, history shows that Democracies do not tend to go to war with each other.
Second, since China is suffering from a big problem of an aging society and from a huge problem of misallocation of resources (more on this topic of China's fragile banking system can be read in Red Capitalism: The Fragile Financial Foundation of China's Extraordinary Rise ), China might start to considerably slow down. If such a scenario plays out, China might face social unrest which will force the Chinese government to devote more resources to domestic security instead of to their military. Moreover, the Chinese government will be less inclined to be aggressive if they will feel that their regime is hanging by a thread. In an environment of slower growth, the Chinese government will have less capital to devote to military expansion. Friedberg, correctly points out that if the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) will be pushed to the corner it might, out of desperation, engage in some form of a military attack in order to unite the Chinese people behind the party.
Lastly, in Friedberg eyes, the worst scenario will be that China doesn't slow down nor does it suffer from social unrest nor show any signs of embracing Democracy. In this scenario, China's fierce military expansion will continue and eventually, if nothing will be done by the U.S., will hurt U.S. interests.
I was highly impressed by the great research and the very balanced approach of Friedberg. However, I felt that this book left a few questions unanswered: (1) Friedberg does not define what exactly U.S. interests are, (2) Why is it so vital for the U.S. to protect Taiwan, Japan and South Korea, (3) Even if China gains control of the Pacific region, how will it affect the U.S.?, and (5) Can the U.S. and the world afford another arms race similar to the one that happened during the Cold War, especially now when the western world economics are in such a fragile condition?
Friedberg keeps pointing out that China's huge military expansion is a threat to the United States. However, he fails to address the question of how China might view the United States. Taking into account that the United States' defense budget is about six times larger than China's and that China is surrounded by U.S. bases (Japan, South Korea and others), it seems quite reasonable that China will want to protect itself.
These are the main ones: First, because of various reasons, China's regime might start tilting toward Democracy, and therefore, it will embrace values more in line with America's values, hence it will pose less of a threat. Furthermore, history shows that Democracies do not tend to go to war with each other.
Second, since China is suffering from a big problem of an aging society and from a huge problem of misallocation of resources (more on this topic of China's fragile banking system can be read in Red Capitalism: The Fragile Financial Foundation of China's Extraordinary Rise ), China might start to considerably slow down. If such a scenario plays out, China might face social unrest which will force the Chinese government to devote more resources to domestic security instead of to their military. Moreover, the Chinese government will be less inclined to be aggressive if they will feel that their regime is hanging by a thread. In an environment of slower growth, the Chinese government will have less capital to devote to military expansion. Friedberg, correctly points out that if the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) will be pushed to the corner it might, out of desperation, engage in some form of a military attack in order to unite the Chinese people behind the party.
Lastly, in Friedberg eyes, the worst scenario will be that China doesn't slow down nor does it suffer from social unrest nor show any signs of embracing Democracy. In this scenario, China's fierce military expansion will continue and eventually, if nothing will be done by the U.S., will hurt U.S. interests.
I was highly impressed by the great research and the very balanced approach of Friedberg. However, I felt that this book left a few questions unanswered: (1) Friedberg does not define what exactly U.S. interests are, (2) Why is it so vital for the U.S. to protect Taiwan, Japan and South Korea, (3) Even if China gains control of the Pacific region, how will it affect the U.S.?, and (5) Can the U.S. and the world afford another arms race similar to the one that happened during the Cold War, especially now when the western world economics are in such a fragile condition?
Friedberg keeps pointing out that China's huge military expansion is a threat to the United States. However, he fails to address the question of how China might view the United States. Taking into account that the United States' defense budget is about six times larger than China's and that China is surrounded by U.S. bases (Japan, South Korea and others), it seems quite reasonable that China will want to protect itself.
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5.0 out of 5 stars
a great book for anyone who's intersted in china and it's realations with the u.s.a
Reviewed in the United States on June 26, 2013Verified Purchase
i'm an east Asia university student and this book brings new views on the china and u.s.a realation
the book is well written and easy to read even for people who are less interested in china
the book is well written and easy to read even for people who are less interested in china
Top reviews from other countries
Adrian J. Smith
5.0 out of 5 stars
A decent geopolitical study of US-China relations
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on April 8, 2013Verified Purchase
Friedberg's book is in many ways as much a strategic and geopolitical analysis of Sino-American relations as it is an ideological expose on the differing values between the two nations.
The central thesis of the book is treat China as an enemy and it will become an enemy, but Friedberg is not complacent, and argues for a balanced approach on matters such as Taiwan and The South China Sea.
Friedberg assesses the various approaches of US Administrations toward China, which is commonly termed "congagement" meaning the policy of containing and engaging China.
The book is somewhat agnostic on whether China will evolve into a more open and free democracy, unlike many works which tend to take a position either on one side or another.
Overall, a decent study, and one that can most strongly be recommended to security enthusiasts or those with interest in the geopolitical sphere.
The central thesis of the book is treat China as an enemy and it will become an enemy, but Friedberg is not complacent, and argues for a balanced approach on matters such as Taiwan and The South China Sea.
Friedberg assesses the various approaches of US Administrations toward China, which is commonly termed "congagement" meaning the policy of containing and engaging China.
The book is somewhat agnostic on whether China will evolve into a more open and free democracy, unlike many works which tend to take a position either on one side or another.
Overall, a decent study, and one that can most strongly be recommended to security enthusiasts or those with interest in the geopolitical sphere.
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JJ H from Aylesbury
5.0 out of 5 stars
Five Stars
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on December 12, 2016Verified Purchase
A master academic.
One person found this helpful
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Ute Banerjea-Komers
5.0 out of 5 stars
Aaron L. Friedberg, A Contest for Supremacy China, America and the Struggle for Mastery
Reviewed in Germany on February 28, 2013Verified Purchase
Friedberg's analysis of China-American relations is well reflected. His recommendations for US policy makers to maintain its present position in the Pacific in view of increasingly assertive China policies in the Western Pacific are well founded and should help the two countries towards finding peaceful ways of coexisting.
わいてぃ
4.0 out of 5 stars
Good.
Reviewed in Japan on February 8, 2016Verified Purchase
It'a a good book to understand one of the main studetns on the US- China relations, particularly on the military issues. Dr. Friedberg's view is well written in this book.





