Crisis of the House Divided: An Interpretation of the Issues in the Lincoln-Douglas Debates 1st Edition
| Harry V. Jaffa (Author) Find all the books, read about the author, and more. See search results for this author |
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"Crisis of the House Divided has shaped the thought of a generation of Abraham Lincoln and Civil War scholars."—Mark E. Needly, Jr., Civil War History
"An important book about one of the great episodes in the history of the sectional controversy. It breaks new ground and opens a new view of Lincoln's significance as a political thinker."—T. Harry Williams, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences
"A searching and provocative analysis of the issues confronted and the ideas expounded in the great debates. . . . A book which displays such learning and insight that it cannot fail to excite the admiration even of scholars who disagree with its major arguments and conclusions."—D. E. Fehrenbacher, American Historical Review
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About the Author
Harry V. Jaffa (1918-2015) was an influential historian and political philosopher. At the time of his death he was an emeritus professor at Claremont McKenna College and Claremont Graduate University and a distinguished fellow of the Claremont Institute. His ideas helped shape modern American conservatism; he was also a speechwriter for 1964 Republican presidential candidate Barry Goldwater.
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Product details
- Publisher : University Of Chicago Press; 1st edition (March 15, 1999)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 460 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0226391132
- ISBN-13 : 978-0226391137
- Item Weight : 1.06 pounds
- Dimensions : 5 x 0.75 x 8 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #2,420,608 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #2,084 in Historiography (Books)
- #5,135 in European History (Books)
- #5,375 in United States History (Books)
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It is the Declaration’s proposition that “all men are created equal,” with all its nuances, that informed Lincoln’s position throughout the debates about slavery.
In contrast, Stephen Douglas, Lincoln’s great antagonist, raised the question of whether Jefferson and the other signatories really believed the proposition. After all, argued Douglas, the Founders, at least for a time, kept their slaves. For the most part, Douglas was content to let the majority of white men decide the question of slavery in the territories, and nothing was as important, during that era, as the question of whether the emerging territories might sanction slavery. Although no one would ever describe Douglas as egalitarian, he nonetheless appeared to believe that, over time, holding slaves would ultimately, like Marx’s state, wither away.
Douglass’ emphasis on majority rule may have honored the Declaration’s commitment to consent of the governed, but, between them, only Lincoln saw the need to honor the Declaration’s principle of equality as well. For Lincoln, approval of slavery in the territories was morally destructive of the republican form of government established by the framers. Jaffa is careful, however, to emphasize that Lincoln, in pursuit of his ideals, was ever mindful of the constraints of popular politics, for Lincoln realized that the task of statesmanship was “to know what is good or right, to know how much of that goal is attainable, and to act to secure that much good but not to abandon the attainable good [by] grasping for more.”
On a less philosophical, but no less interesting plane, Jaffa decimates the idea, held by many at the time and even modern historians since, that slavery’s demise was only a matter of time. Those who espoused this view, in effect, believed that black slaves were suited only for work in cotton fields, Jaffa provides data showing that, in fact, blacks were capable of factory work, clerical work, and indeed any job across the occupational spectrum.
It’s true, the late Professor Jaffa does assume a knowledge of the period that most students and lay readers, this one included, lack. Even with the inclusion of helpful appendices, the book can be a formidable undertaking. Nevertheless, do not let that deter you. What Jaffa does is to situate the Declaration of Independence in Lincoln’s thought as a founding document, one on par with the U.S. Constitution, and one central to the long debate about slavery.
The Lincoln Douglas Debates are mostly concerned with the issue of whether slavery should be allowed in territories. Douglas argued to let the territories decide and he did not care how they decided. Lincoln relying on the the Declaration of Independence argued that slavery was evil. That if by democratic procedures a people allowed slavery that they have undercut the very basis of democracy. The basis of democracy is that all men are created equal. If slavery is allowed for blacks, one must allow slavery for everyone. The arguments in favor of slavery could be used equally well against any group. The claim that blacks can be enslaved because they are not sufficiently intelligent, a completely dubious claim, is based on the premise that the wisest person could enslave everyone else. Slavery is fundamentally incompatible with democratic government. It matters greatly whether slavery is allowed to expand.
While the above is the central argument of the book, there is much more to the book. The book brings together history, rhetoric, and philosophy to examine perhaps the greatest debate in American history.


