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In Defense of Freedom and Related Essays
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When it first appeared in 1962, In Defense of Freedom was hailed by Richard M. Weaver as “a brilliant defense of the primacy of the person” and an effective “indictment of statism and bureaucratism.” Meyer examines the tension between the freedom of the person and the power of social institutions. In his view, both the dominant Liberalism and the “New Conservatism” of the American tradition place undue emphasis on the claims of social order at the expense of the individual person and liberty.
Frank S. Meyer (1909–1972) was a senior editor of National Review.
William C. Dennis is a Senior Fellow, Atlas Economic Research Foundation, and a consultant in philanthropy.
- ISBN-100865971404
- ISBN-13978-0865971400
- PublisherLiberty Fund
- Publication dateJune 30, 1996
- LanguageEnglish
- Dimensions5.75 x 0.75 x 8.5 inches
- Print length261 pages
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- Publisher : Liberty Fund (June 30, 1996)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 261 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0865971404
- ISBN-13 : 978-0865971400
- Reading age : 18 years and up
- Item Weight : 13.9 ounces
- Dimensions : 5.75 x 0.75 x 8.5 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,278,929 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #3,014 in Philosophy (Books)
- #3,609 in Political Philosophy (Books)
- #19,424 in Law (Books)
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Meyer believes that true conservatism demands both a belief in a transcendant moral order AND individual liberty and, further, that these two are complimentary, not contradictory, beliefs. Meyer's argument runs roughly as follows: the moral end of each individual should be to live a virtuous life. To live a virtuous life, of course, first demands that one recognize objective moral criteria for what virtue is and how people should behave. But it also demands that people be free to choose how to behave, as a key part of being virtuous is being the type of person who chooses to be virtuous even when they could choose otherwise. To believe in individual liberty without belief in a transcendent moral order, says Meyer, leads to hedonsistic chaos (the Hobbesian state of nature?) where the people become vulnerable to a Leviathan government who, alone, provide order to the chaos. But believing in a moral order without accompanying it with individual liberty means that it becomes too tempting to coerce people into being 'virtuous' (the scare-quotes indicating that, for Meyer, one cannot be coerced into being virtuous any more than one can be coerced into sincerely liking jazz). Either way, the road becomes open for tyranny. The only way to have a virtuous citizenry, then, is - maybe paradoxically, but Meyer thinks not - allow the citizens freedom NOT to be virtuous if they so choose.
As one who falls on the libertarian side of things, I find Meyer's libertarian conservatism a really refreshing antidote to Nisbet's communitarianism ( The Quest for Community: A Study in the Ethics of Order and Freedom (Background: Essential Texts for the Conservative Mind) ). Like Meyer, I recognize common ground with Nisbet when arguing against government expansions of power, but see an equal danger when he seemingly would allow for quite coercive community relations (illiberal communities, as it were).
But I depart a little bit from Meyer in thinking that there is not an inherent contradiciton or tension in the ideas of a transcendent moral order and individual liberty; after all, while Meyer says these are both aspects of conservatism, he was writing at a time where neither libertarians nor conservatives believed him. the question I hoped Meyer would answer - he didn't - was "If one really believes that there are objective standards for right behavior, then won't it be a bit uncaring to NOT interfere with individuals choices when they decide to choose wrongly?" Meyer rightly notes that part of being virtuous is one's freely choosing to be virtuous, but another part of why we should behave virtuously is, frankly, to bring about the good consequences that come from acting with honesty, trust, courage, etc. And if consequences are also important, then isn't there something to be said - for those who believe there IS a right and wrong way to be virtuous - to compel folks to be virtuous, if only to bring about those good effects? (I also suspect that most Kirkian conservatives would be more pessimistic than Meyer about the likelihood of people acting virtuous voluntarily, and hence, might argue that if people en masse decide to tell easy lies rather than hard truths, that at some point, government needs to step in.)
In short, I think Meyer's essays to a good job telling us that liberty and belief in a transcendent moral order are not contradictory, and only a halfway good job arguing why. He doesn't speak to the critics by answering the really hard objections that I am sure libertarian and conservative critics would have for him. And while, as a colleciton of essays, this book has a good amount of repitition, I still come away thinking that Meyer just could have done a better job speaking to the skeptic, not by explaining his position again, but by actually getting into defenses against the really hard objections.
Meyer calls for a fusion between social conservatives and libertarians, arguing that the morality praised by the social conservative may only be exercised when one is free to choose it.
In this sense, the libertarian and the conservative are only emphasizing two aspects of one greater morality: freedom and responsibility. He shows how, although emphasizing different priorities, they ultimately fight for the same thing against a common enemy: the collectivist liberal. The collectivist liberal presents a threat to the foundations of both morality and freedom.
This is one of my favorite books. It was my favorite book of 2007 and only got bumped to second place by one of Murray Rothbard's works. I highly recommend it.
The author uses far too many words to make very simple points. Before tiring of wading through the morass of tweed-jacket prose, it seemed to me that the author's point is that neither an unrestricted government nor an amoral libertarian society will work. Instead, he seems to favor limited government and conservative society. In other words, I think he would disagree with Rick Santorum's platform, but also disagree with much of what is written at Reason magazine. If that's his point, I agree with him, but he could have made that point much faster and more directly. The text is several decades old, but so is Henry Hazlitt's Economics in One Lesson, which is much more succinct and moves along quickly from point to point.







