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Defying Dixie: The Radical Roots of Civil Rights, 1919-1950 Illustrated Edition

4.3 4.3 out of 5 stars 50 ratings

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"Remarkable…an eye-opening book [on] the freedom struggle that changed the South, the nation, and the world." ―Washington Post

The civil rights movement that looms over the 1950s and 1960s was the tip of an iceberg, the legal and political remnant of a broad, raucous, deeply American movement for social justice that flourished from the 1920s through the 1940s. This rich history of that early movement introduces us to a contentious mix of home-grown radicals, labor activists, newspaper editors, black workers, and intellectuals who employed every strategy imaginable to take Dixie down. In a dramatic narrative Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore deftly shows how the movement unfolded against national and global developments, gaining focus and finally arriving at a narrow but effective legal strategy for securing desegregation and political rights.

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Editorial Reviews

Review

"Painstakingly researched and vividly told, Defying Dixie is, by any standard, a formidable achievement. Gilmore forces us to rethink the history of the civil rights movement and the people, often unheralded at the margins, who made it."
Los Angeles Times

"Rich…powerful and profound."
New York Times

"A monumental work…for those desiring a sweeping yet detailed and informed account of the radical side of our early civil rights movement,
Defying Dixie will prove extremely enlightening."
Charlotte Observer

"Emotionally poignant…[Gilmore] universalizes the impulses and actions that define the struggle for racial equality in America."
News and Observer (Raleigh, N.C.)

"Gilmore's fluid prose brings to life these passionate yet forgotten battles."
Memphis Commercial Appeal

"[Employing] a gift for vivid description, [Gilmore] introduces scores of dedicated, colorful and sometimes eccentric dreamers and agitators."
New York Times Book Review

About the Author

Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore is the Peter V. and C. Vann Woodward Professor of History, African American Studies, and American Studies at Yale University. Her research interests include twentieth-century U.S. history; African American history since 1865; U.S. women's and gender history since 1865; history of the American South; and reform movements. Her publications include Norton’s Defying Dixie: The Radical Roots of Civil Rights, 1919-1950, which was one of the American Library Association’s Notable Books and the Washington Post’s Best Books of 2008, and she edited Who Were the Progressives? and co-edited Jumpin’ Jim Crow: Southern Politics from Civil War to Civil Rights. Her first book, Gender and Jim Crow: Women and the Politics of White Supremacy in North Carolina, 1896-1920, won the Frederick Jackson Turner Award, the James A. Rawley Prize, the Julia Cherry Spruill Prize, and the Heyman Prize.

Product details

  • Publisher ‏ : ‎ W. W. Norton & Company; Illustrated edition (August 10, 2009)
  • Language ‏ : ‎ English
  • Paperback ‏ : ‎ 690 pages
  • ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0393335321
  • ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0393335323
  • Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 1.35 pounds
  • Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 5.6 x 1.3 x 8.3 inches
  • Customer Reviews:
    4.3 4.3 out of 5 stars 50 ratings

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Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore
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Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore is Peter V. and C. Vann Woodward Professor of History Emerita at Yale University. Her newest book is Romare Bearden in the Homeland of His Imagination: An Artist's Reckoning with the South, published by UNC Press. Previous work includes These United States: The Making of Modern America, 1890 to the Present, co-authored with Thomas Sugrue, Gender and Jim Crow: Women and the Politics of White Supremacy, Defying Dixie: The Radical Roots of Civil Rights, 1919-1950, Who Were the Progressives?, and Jumpin' Jim Crow: Southern Politics from Civil War to Civil Rights. Gender and Jim Crow won the James A. Rawley Prize in 1997 for the best book in race relations and the Frederick Jackson Turner for the best first book by an author, both given by the Organization of American Historians. It also won the Julia Cherry Spruill Prize, awarded by the Southern Association for Women Historians and Yale University's Heyman Prize. Defying Dixie: The Radical Roots of Civil Rights, 1919-1950 (2008) was named one of the best books of the year by the Washington Post and a Notable Book of 2008 by the American Library Association. She has received fellowships from the Guggenheim Foundation, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the American Council of Learned Societies, the Bogliasco Foundation, and the Radcliffe Institute, among others.

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4.3 out of 5 stars
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Top reviews from the United States

Reviewed in the United States on July 16, 2017
Defying Dixie: The Radical Roots of Civil Rights, 1919-1950 by Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore redefines the standard chronology of the Civil Rights movement, popularly known for its post-WWII activity. Post-WWII civil rights action would culminate in achievement with Brown v. Board of Education and the 1964 and 1965 Acts of President Johnson. As the title of the book indicates, and according to Gilmore, civil rights in fact had far earlier and far more radical origins in Communism, labor, Fascism and anti-Fascism, and the Popular Front. She substantiates her thesis by tracing the activity of these movements, and by placing within them the African Americans and whites involved who both worked together and in opposition to one another to end or continue Jim Crow. The issue of black civil rights is typically isolated to the United States and is considered to be historically a distinct American problem. By highlighting the involvement of radical movements that found their roots in Europe, Gilmore places African American civil rights on an international stage and redefines it within the context of what the world was experiencing and how this weaved into American culture. Gilmore shows that in America there was an active Communist Party that was focused on illuminating how racism created class differences, and had a purpose to overcome this class inequality by organizing Southern black laborers into a force white supremacists could not reckon with. The CPUSA would become a major player in calling for an end to Jim Crow and white supremacy, and would operate at the same time of the NAACP, whom the communists considered too conservative and bourgeois. The distinction between the two is one where the Communist Party favored direct action and the NAACP preferred legal means to solve issues, and Gilmore states that when placed alongside Communism, the conservative nature of the NAACP is stark (7). In emphasizing this simplistic distinction between the two, Gilmore slights the NAACP of some of its own influence and early contribution. Though less radical in comparison to a system like Communism, the NAACP nevertheless operated within a legal system that was hostile to them. When placed within the cultural context of America in the early 20th century, the NAACP was also radical in its own way because it defied the "place" of the African American, and the organization enjoyed many successes of its own. For example, the NAACP played a major role in the 1923 Moore v. Dempsey decision that strengthened due process and African American's Constitutional rights. It was not only the Communist Party that took an interest in labor either, though Gilmore makes it seem as if labor was a CPUSA concern only and does not mention that the NAACP was involved in the creation of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, the first African American labor union (52). Though these successes are certainly not as radical as labor marches through the streets of Gastonia, they are still significant to early civil rights radicalism. In keeping with the international scope of civil rights and the importance of the Communist Party, Gilmore brings to light that Africa Americans even went to Russia, had audience with Stalin himself, and many even let out sighs of relief to be in a country where they could, for the first time, enjoy life without fear. African American civil rights and Communism are two movements not typically linked together. In placing them together, Gilmore effectively rewrites civil rights history to include world wide involvement. She does similarly with Fascism in the United States. Gilmore reveals that Fascist ideology was intertwined with white supremacy (106), yet Gilmore does not adequately make the connection between the ideologies of Fascism and white supremacy to explain how white supremacists co-opted Fascism into their beliefs. Additionally, Gilmore splits up the influence of Fascism into two different sections, one in which she describes how some Americans embraced it early on, and then how later Fascism became linked with Communism and Nazi policy, and was thereafter largely rejected within America. Gilmore skips from one to the other without describing the intermediate years and how white supremacists that were once Fascist came to reject the ideology. Gilmore makes it clear why they did, but does not trace how or what happened to the former Black Shirt white supremacist American Fascists. Gilmore focuses her narrative on select people and groups, which allows her to make her points without filling pages with names and events that would have made the monograph dense and less fluid. Through the experiences of her select characters, Gilmore documents the progress of movements and is then allowed to move on with her point made by their examples. As she admits in her introduction, she leaves out a significant portion of people in the South who played major roles in the Civil Rights movement (11). As reviewer Michael Dennis points out, the people ignored precisely the kind of political linkages that defined the popular front and did a good deal more grass roots organizing in the South than Fort-Whiteman. While leaving out these groups of people and their contributions does not weaken the argument Gilmore is trying to make, adding them would have strengthened her narrative by illustrating the scope of the work the Popular Front involved itself in. While she leaves out some groups and people, she includes other often overlooked players such as Truman's committee on civil rights, adding another layer to the retelling of conventional civil rights history (409). Gilmore's limited focus allows her to incorporate an element of familiarity that makes her story easier and more enjoyable to read. The people involved in the movements she writes about become more than just names, but people with personalities. The emotional connection forged with these people give the book a sense of intimacy. Much like in her previous book, Gender & Jim Crow, Gilmore uses this feeling of familiarity to make assumptions about people's feelings and motivations that cannot be supported by evidence. For instance, Gilmore assumes that Louise Thompson must have been hiding something about her feelings for African American Communist Lovett Fort-Whiteman (143). She does the same when she attempts to psychoanalyze the reticence of Alain Locke and attributes it to an attraction to the charismatic Langston Hughes (137). These are things that Gilmore herself simply cannot know without personal testimony. In some cases, Gilmore is able to more successfully pull off her personal narratives. When she describes the death of Fort-Whiteman, she adds a touching reflection of his last moments that closes up the extraordinary life of this very unique man (154). It is in moments like those that Gilmore fosters a true emotional connection between her book and the reader. The combination of humanization and the personalization of events with a unique historical interpretation make Defying Dixie an essential book on the civil rights movement. Defying Dixie adds a new layer to the understanding of how the civil rights movement progressed, and what influenced the later movement. While it does not rewrite the entirety of the movement, it inserts a new level that should not be overlooked.
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Reviewed in the United States on November 19, 2020
I had to read this book for a Jim Crow history class at Cleveland State University. It opened my eyes to many things I was never taught in high school. I recommend it to anyone interested in African American history.
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Reviewed in the United States on December 19, 2014
arrived quickly. Very interesting book. The writing is good and it flows nicely. Gilmore sheds light on s
early efforts to secure equal rights that will help put the Civil Rights Movement in context.
Reviewed in the United States on December 11, 2009
This book covers an important period just after World War I (1919) and just prior to the Brown V. Board of Education decision(1954). This was a period of severe violence and repression for "Negroes". This violence and repression permeated every aspect of "Negro" life--lynching, race riots, tenant farming, convict labor system, jury exclusion, poll taxes, rigged legal systems and employment and public accommodation discrimination and more. For African Americans the situation had become untenable. Many of the returning veterans and others realized that the United States could be a very different place if it could be moved in the right direction in line with its creeds and constitution. "Negroes" had to play an ever increasing role in their own deliverance. Against this backdrop, Defying Dixie documents the attempts of the African American people and their allies to establish full identities for themselves and create a social milieu where they could operate as full human beings. This was an era where "Negroes" pursued an assortment of strategies and tactics-legal battles, letter writing campaigns, media engagement, governmental appeals, mass protests, sit-ins, boycotts, internal migration, emigration, etc and selected from an array of ideologies and guiding principles--democracy, communism, Gandhian passive resistance, integration, desegregation, socialism to support their liberation. Alliances and allegiances developed across the political spectrum to support "Negro" rights. This book gives voice to little known organizations and activists who worked tirelessly to improve the condition of "Negroes" and set the stage for the more famous civil rights activities which were to occur in the later fifties and sixties. Many of the tactics were tried and perfected during this period. Many connections were made between civil rights and communism, international and domestic politics, anti-communism and anti-liberalism and the support of segregation, and the origin of states rights to support continued black suppression. How could the American ideology against fascism and communism be reconciled with its own failings to live up to its promises for all of its citizens? "Negroes" were among the first Americans to offer support for Jews in the age of Hitler because "Negroes'" understood that their plights were similar. Both Jews and "Negroes" were savaged by fascism with a particularly racist overlay. The civil rights activities that we are all familiar with did not appear out of nowhere or accidentally, but were the result of decades of sacrifice by activists who risked and loss much in the service of human rights. This formative period of direct action and legal protest by pioneers should be more well known.

Many of the issues related to individual identity formation which are still in the process of being resolved today were recognized during this period. Discrimination based on sex and gender orientation are also a part of this legacy.

The book though informative is at times difficult reading because there is considerable chronological overlap in the telling. This makes the narrative somewhat difficult to follow; however, the value of the information overcomes this mild deficiency and makes the effort worthwhile.
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Reviewed in the United States on March 1, 2016
must read
Reviewed in the United States on October 2, 2014
School Required