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Deng Xiaoping: A Revolutionary Life Illustrated Edition
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Alexander Pantsov and Steven Levine's new biography of Deng Xiaoping does what no other biography has done: based on newly discovered documents, it covers his entire life, from his childhood and student years to the post-Tiananmen era. Thanks to unprecedented access to Russian archives containing massive files on the Chinese Communist Party, the authors present a wealth of new material on Deng dating back to the 1920s. In a long and extraordinary life, Deng navigated one epic crisis after another. Born in 1904, Deng, like many Asian revolutionary leaders, spent part of the 1920s in Paris, where he joined the CCP in its early years. He then studied in the USSR just as Stalin was establishing firm control over the Soviet communist party. He played an increasingly important role in the troubled decades of the 1930s and 1940s that were marked by civil war and the Japanese invasion. He was commissar of a communist-dominated area in the early 1930s, loyal henchman to Mao during the Long
March, regional military commander in the anti-Japanese war, and finally a key leader in the 1946-49 revolution. During Mao's quarter century rule, Deng oscillated between the heights and the depths of power. He was purged during the Cultural Revolution, only to reemerge after Mao's death to become China's paramount leader until his own death in 1997.
This objective, balanced, and unprecedentedly rich biography changes our understanding of one of the most important figures in modern history.
- ISBN-10019939203X
- ISBN-13978-0199392032
- EditionIllustrated
- PublisherOxford University Press
- Publication dateMay 1, 2015
- LanguageEnglish
- Dimensions9.3 x 6.2 x 1.7 inches
- Print length638 pages
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Editorial Reviews
Review
"Like the heroes of a Hollywood Western riding into town to clean up a mess, Pantsov and Levine have swept into the unruly genre of contemporary Chinese biography. Pantsov contends with Soviet archives, while Levine wrangles Chinese-language materials and secondary sources in English. Both bring prodigious energy and research firepower to their work." -Foreign Affairs
"Pantsov and Levine do well to highlight Deng's studied indifference to the endemic and flagrant corruption that his reforms occasioned... Commendable work."--Jeffrey Crean, Journal of American-East Asian Relations
About the Author
Alexander V. Pantsov is a professor of history and holds the Edward and Mary Catherine Gerhold Chair in the Humanities at Capital University in Columbus, Ohio. He has published numerous scholarly works including fifteen books, among them The Bolsheviks and the Chinese Revolution 1919-1927 and Mao: The Real Story.
Steven I. Levine is research faculty associate, Department of History, University of Montana. He is the author, co-author, and editor of numerous works, including Mao: The Real Story and Arc of Empire: America's Wars in Asia from the Philippines to Vietnam, co-authored with Michael H. Hunt.
Product details
- Publisher : Oxford University Press; Illustrated edition (May 1, 2015)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 638 pages
- ISBN-10 : 019939203X
- ISBN-13 : 978-0199392032
- Item Weight : 2.22 pounds
- Dimensions : 9.3 x 6.2 x 1.7 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #169,762 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #136 in Asian Politics
- #188 in Communism & Socialism (Books)
- #730 in Political Leader Biographies
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Deng began life in a relatively well-off 1904 home - his father owned between 7 and 20 acres of land and hired many laborers. Many of his relatives held government positions - even at the provincial level. Three days after his birth efforts began to arrange a marital match for him. From his mother he inherited firmness, from his father a temper. After high school, Deng traveled to France to study. The main topic, French language, bored him and he soon took up factory work instead. That lasted only three weeks - he had a hard time getting by and was unable to fill his work quota. Then it was other menial jobs, and learning from French Communists. After some time he met Zhou en Lai - also an eventual top-level Chinese leader. Then they all traveled to Moscow to study Marxism.
In 1962 a number of leaders wanted to approve the 'household contract system' which allowed peasants to divide up commune land (possession, not ownership) came into growing favor among CCP leaders, including Deng. This rankled Mao, seeing it as a return to capitalism - eventually this, along with other 'slights' led to Deng and others being banished to a countryside tractor factory and removed from all posts.
Fast-forward to 1974. Deng was recalled to Beijing, after being banished to 're-education' in a tractor factory (exile), Mao's #2 (Zhou Enlai) is quite ill, and there's a raging battle for Mao's approval among those at the top - the 'Gang of Four (includes his wife and nephew, as well as others in the shadows - known as the 'leftists') and those wanting change - the 'revisionists.' The economy is suffering from the Cultural Revolution - coal-mining is down 9.4%, steel down 3.1%, and only about half the trains fun on time. Mao knows the leftists know nothing about the economy, etc. - just how to expose 'class enemies;' unfortunately, they're also in charge of the media. Deng, however, has a reputation for making things work, and Mao also sees him as rebalancing the leftists vs. revisionists contending for his approval, now that Chou Enlai is no longer able to function at full strength. Mao's retrieving Deng is enthusiastically endorsed by Zhou and top Army generals.
Deng quickly rises in power, becoming de facto #2 and leading day-to-day activities of the Central Committee. Early in 1976, however, he's again relieved of duties by Mao, thanks to non-stop slander and fear-mongering by the leftists. Mao appoints Hua to the #2 position - Hua isn't a member of either faction. However, soon after Mao's death, Hua has the Gang of Four, along with immediate supporters, arrested. The end of 1976, however, still sees Deng under house arrest.
Recently appointed Hua Guofeng publically committed to following Mao's directives. Deng objected on the ground this would undermine the logic for his having been 'rehabilitated.' The #2 deputy premier and top generals also protested. By 7/17/ 77, Deng is back into the Central Committee and other high level posts. He marked this occasion by reminding everyone of Mao's old slogan - "Seek truth from facts.' Soon he was #3, and part of the Politburo's Standing Committee - it was then split 2 for Hua, 2 for Deng, and 1 in the middle.
Hua defended the Cultural Revolution, and supposed more such would be needed. Deng pushed to have university entrance exams restored, and efforts made to develop science and technology skills. Meanwhile, the media was ardently criticizing the Gang of Four (actually guilty only of supporting the Cultural Revolution) - undercutting Hua. Deng and others meanwhile led an effort to restore the honorable names of those tens of millions damaged by Red Guard accusations during the Cultural Revolution. Deng continued attacking dogmatism - 'Practice is the Sole Criterion of Truth,' as well as supporting economic reform and expanded trade.
Hua traveled outside China (first time) to Yugoslavia. Several hundred high-ranking aides and deputy premiers followed - Mao had banned travel, thereby greatly limiting anyone's ability to see how backward China was. Meanwhile, security police were reporting that tens of thousands of Chinese were fleeing to Hong Kong and Macao. Hua decided to focus on modernization, and the need to attract foreign capital and Western technology, and management skills, as well as considering establishment of an export processing zone near Hong Kong. At a conference one week later it was decided (pushed by Marshal Ye) to make Deng de facto head by the end of 1978, and the Central Committee shifted form promoting class struggle and organizing political campaigns to economic construction. One-third of the delegates were those rehabilitated from the Cultural Revolution. Responding to the 250 million Chinese suffering from hunger was given first priority, light industry the second, and heavy industry was #3. (Hua wanted another Great Leap Forward, focusing on heavy industry.)
Previously Deng had encouraged democratic protests - when those protests supported directions he wanted. Now that he was in charge, he no longer had any use for protestors - the Democracy Wall was shut down and leading protestors arrested (eg. 15 year sentences). He encouraged all levels and areas to choose replacement leaders that supported modernization.
In Xiaogang Village, 18 households decided to divide up the land allotted to their production team, as well as to each decide what to grow and keep any excess beyond the state's claim. During the 1958-'62 Great Famine, 67 of the then 120 residents died from starvation, with the rest merely living on the edge of starvation. The local party secretary gave three-year approval to their initiative, knowing this was supported by Win Li, one of Deng's economic deputies. (Deng did not commit - told him he did so at his own risk.) The results - grain production there hit levels 6X those previous and farmer income hit 18X prior levels, while the national crop increased only 8%.
Meanwhile, a mid-level leader in Sichuan province succeeded in cutting the rate of population growth to 9.67% - also important to solving the hunger problem. Workers no longer needed in the fields then flooded cities, but found no work there either. Deng (1978-79) than allowed household enterprises - as long as they had no more than 7 workers - as a means of soaking up the newly unemployed. (Marx had condemned enterprises with 8 workers, so 7 should be allowable, per Deng.)
On 7/15/1979 the Central Committee and State Council both approved creating special economic zones along borders with Hong Kong and Macau, as well as in Shantou and Xiamen provinces. Production would be restricted to producing products for export, and operations would be per laws of the market. The first to take advantage was the branch of a Hong Kong company involved in ship recycling. Most of the capital that came into these SEZs came from Chinese who have left China, with Japan and 'foreign devils' also contributing. Deng understood that China's market advantage at that point consisted of low wages.
Deng then pushed out Hua's four main comrades from the Politburo. Almost 3 million Cultural Revolution victims by that time had their reputations rehabilitated. Top level blame for the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution shifted from the Gang of Four to the entire top CCP leadership - including Mao. Deng then established a committee to rewrite the history of those years and the leaders involved - especially Liu Shaoqi, who had died under harsh treatment during the Cultural Revolution after being labeled China's foremost 'capitalist-roader.' May of 1980, Deng publicly praised the family contract system - by the end of 1981, 98% of agricultural production brigades converted and from 1978 to 1982, overall peasant income doubled.
At the same time, Chinese intellectuals became attracted to the works of Russia's Nikolai Bukharin - he'd rejected Stalin's communes, pushed self-enrichment of the peasants, and combining market and socialists characteristics. Private individuals were allowed to own small enterprises, while the state controlled banks, foreign trade, and large industries. Bukharin also brought the substitution of a tax on farmers (payable in the form of agricultural products) in place of forced grain requisition. This was the form Deng experienced while in Moscow decades prior. (Stalin abolished these and other components of the New Economic Policy in 1928, and Bukharin was executed.)
Hua Guofeng resigned his premiership under pressure 9/1980. Deng opposed complete debunking of Mao, as Kruschev had done vs. Stalin. Deng was concerned this would undermine the credibility of Mao's former aides who had since changed, as well as needlessly provoke remaining Mao supporters. Decided to give Mao a rating of 70:30 - 70% good, 30% bad.
January 1981, implemented the one-child policy - intended to ensure avoidance to repeat mass-starvation. Foreign academics and businesspeople were invited to present their ideas. December 1982, peasants were allowed to hire helpers, buy equipment, engage in wholesale trade. In 1984 gradual concentration of land by 'skillful landowners' was encouraged. Dropped the limit of 7 employees for households. Between 1978 - 1985, township and village enterprises employees rose from 28 million to 70 million; they were considered collectives and not subject to any employee count limit. In 1984, added 14 more SEZs, all in port cities - taxes on profits were lowered to 15%, and the new SEZs didn't have carefully controlled borders as had the original four. Deng's economic expert (Zhao Ziyang - former leader of Sichuan SEZ effort, later Premier) proposed an economy planned at the macro level, and market-driven at the micro-level. The 1984 grain harvest was a record - 407 million tons, an increase of over 100 million tons vs. 1978.
Bourgeois liberalization (political) will plunge our society into turmoil' - Deng. Deng encouraged the retirement of veteran top leaders , and in 1985 131 did - abolishing the system of life tenure in leading posts. A goal was set tot reduce the role of planning from 60% of the economy to 30%. New reforms (eg. dual pricing, relaxed price controls) brought sharp price increases in 1988 - about 40% inflation. In April, Hu Yaobang (popular liberal regarding democratization) died, kicking off spontaneous demonstrations for greater political freedom.
Top reviews from other countries
Well, Alexander Pantsov has delivered perhaps the most balanced, and complete biography of Deng Xiaoping on the market today. In contrast to the more extensive Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China by Ezra F Vogel, Pantsov's work is a complete biography of his life. In many ways, the chronological coverage is almost completely reversed.
While Vogel spends very little time on Deng Xiaoping's early years, and soon skips to the crucial final 20 years of his life, Pantsov provides a complete portrait of the man, with insight that is most definitely lacking in the previous biographies.
Additionally, Pantsov has set out, and arguably succeeded, in presenting a balanced and objective view of the man, that is neither a deification, nor a hatchet job.
By providing a comprehensive coverage of Deng Xiaoping's whole life, we are presented with a man who was in every sense an adventurous native of China who set out on a revolutionary path in France, a convert and a true believer in communism, and finally, and perhaps more crucially, a reformer driven by pragmatism.
A key strength of Pantsov's work, much like his earlier Mao: The Real Story, is his access to now declassified Soviet archives, that reveal extensive details of Deng, and the rest of the Chinese leaderships, interactions with the USSR, and the crucial Sino-Soviet split. While this does provide insight that perhaps may be lacking in other works, it is not the sole strength, nor is it crucial to the backbone of the work.
The strength of the book is Pantsov's objectivity, and his disinclination to be drawn toward pictures of the man that have arisen from ideas of Deng as a capitalist at heart, or a liberal at heart, or some kind of savior of the Chinese nation.
Pantsov acknowledges and covers how Deng was a very enthusiastic Maoist, who persecuted so called class enemies, and was an ardent and devoted follower of Mao. He was also a passionate revolutionary who truly believed in the cause of the Chinese communist party, and had not intention whatsoever of any kind of bourgeois liberalization.
As such, Deng Xiaoping: A Revolutionary Life is an informative read, and an essential one for anyone wishing to clearly understand the man who left the most decisive mark on modern China. It provides a full and complete portrait of Deng Xiaoping's life, rather than concentrating on the crucial final 20 years in power.
As opposed to Michael Dillon's work, a noble effort in itself, Pantsov provides greater insight into Deng's earlier revolutionary years, and his years in power.
While more objective and comprehensive than Vogel's work, Vogel's book is still worth reading due to the extensive insight into the crucial period at the helm.
However, Deng Xiaoping: A Revolutionary Life is perhaps the fullest, most revealing, and most objective biography of Deng Xiaoping currently available, and as such, is essential reading for anyone interested in modern China.




