OR
Your Memberships & Subscriptions
Download the free Kindle app and start reading Kindle books instantly on your smartphone, tablet, or computer - no Kindle device required. Learn more
Read instantly on your browser with Kindle for Web.
Using your mobile phone camera - scan the code below and download the Kindle app.
Destined For War: Can America and China Escape Thucydides's Trap? Kindle Edition
| Price | New from | Used from |
|
Audible Audiobook, Unabridged
"Please retry" |
$0.00
| Free with your Audible trial | |
|
Mass Market Paperback
"Please retry" |
—
| $21.46 | — |
- Kindle
$0.00 Read with Kindle Unlimited to also enjoy access to over 4 million more titles $13.99 to buy -
Audiobook
$0.00 Free with your Audible trial - Hardcover
$12.6148 Used from $3.86 8 New from $38.16 4 Collectible from $14.00 - Paperback
$10.6984 Used from $2.03 30 New from $7.88 - Mass Market Paperback
from $21.462 New from $21.46 - Audio CD
$29.952 New from $19.46
China and the United States are heading toward a war neither wants. The reason is Thucydides’s Trap: when a rising power threatens to displace a ruling one, violence is the likeliest result. Over the past five hundred years, these conditions have occurred sixteen times; war broke out in twelve.
At the time of publication, an unstoppable China approached an immovable America, and both Xi Jinping and Donald Trump promised to make their countries “great again,” the seventeenth case was looking grim—it still is. A trade conflict, cyberattack, Korean crisis, or accident at sea could easily spark a major war.
In Destined for War, eminent Harvard scholar Graham Allison masterfully blends history and current events to explain the timeless machinery of Thucydides’s Trap—and to explore the painful steps that might prevent disaster today.
SHORT-LISTED FOR THE 2018 LIONEL GELBER PRIZE
NAMED A BEST BOOK OF THE YEAR BY: FINANCIAL TIMES * THE TIMES (LONDON)* AMAZON
“Allison is one of the keenest observers of international affairs around.” — President Joe Biden
“[A] must-read book in both Washington and Beijing.” — Boston Globe
“[Full of] wide-ranging, erudite case studies that span human history . . . [A] fine book.”— New York Times Book Review
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherMariner Books
- Publication dateMay 30, 2017
- File size4702 KB
Customers who viewed this item also viewed
Thucydides identifies three primary drivers fueling this dynamic that lead to war: interests, fear, and honor.Highlighted by 1,646 Kindle readers
When states repeatedly fail to act in what appears to be their true national interest, it is often because their policies reflect necessary compromises among parties within their government rather than a single coherent vision.Highlighted by 1,502 Kindle readers
Intentions aside, when a rising power threatens to displace a ruling power, the resulting structural stress makes a violent clash the rule, not the exception.Highlighted by 1,348 Kindle readers
Editorial Reviews
About the Author
Review
From the Author
--This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition.
Product details
- ASIN : B01IAS9FZY
- Publisher : Mariner Books; Reprint edition (May 30, 2017)
- Publication date : May 30, 2017
- Language : English
- File size : 4702 KB
- Text-to-Speech : Enabled
- Screen Reader : Supported
- Enhanced typesetting : Enabled
- X-Ray : Enabled
- Word Wise : Enabled
- Sticky notes : On Kindle Scribe
- Print length : 389 pages
- Best Sellers Rank: #62,809 in Kindle Store (See Top 100 in Kindle Store)
- Customer Reviews:
Videos
Videos for this product

2:56
Click to play video

Destined for war
Merchant Video
About the author

Graham Allison is Director of Harvard Kennedy School’s Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs and the bestselling author of Destined for War: America, China, and Thucydides's Trap (2017); Lee Kuan Yew: The Grand Master's Insights on China, the United States, and the World (2013); Nuclear Terrorism: The Ultimate Preventable Catastrophe (2004); and Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis (1971, 1999). Founding dean of the Harvard Kennedy School, Dr. Allison has served as Assistant Secretary of Defense and advised the secretaries of defense under every president from Reagan to Obama. He has twice been awarded the Department of Defense's highest civilian award, the Distinguished Public Service Medal, and serves on the Advisory boards of the Secretary of State and Secretary of Defense.
Customer reviews
Customer Reviews, including Product Star Ratings help customers to learn more about the product and decide whether it is the right product for them.
To calculate the overall star rating and percentage breakdown by star, we don’t use a simple average. Instead, our system considers things like how recent a review is and if the reviewer bought the item on Amazon. It also analyzed reviews to verify trustworthiness.
Learn more how customers reviews work on Amazon-
Top reviews
Top reviews from the United States
There was a problem filtering reviews right now. Please try again later.
The book is incoherent, confusing and utterly disappointing. From the beginning the book self-contradicts itself.
Graham Allison, “Destined for War,” 1st Mariner Books Ed., (Boston, MA: Mariner Books, 2018), p. xi
I have written my work, not as an essay to win the applause of the moment, but as a possession for all time.—Thucydides, “History of the Peloponnesian War”
While the author’s busy listing his academic and social achievements throughout the pages, the book provides no realistic answer to this rather heavy and pressing matter.
Allison, “Destined for War,” p. 60
...Britain had become the “workshop of the world,” and by 1880 it accounted for almost a quarter of the world’s manufacturing output and trade. Its investments powered global growth, and its fleets protected global trade...Britain was “both policeman and banker to the world...”
Ibid., p. 64
...Britons experienced Germany’s industrial growth most immediately in the form of German exports displacing British products at home and abroad. Between 1890 and 1913, Britain’s exports to Germany doubled—but were still worth only half the value of its imports from Germany, which had tripled. A best-selling book in 1896, “Made in Germany,” warned Britons that “a gigantic commercial state is arising to menace our prosperity, and contend with us for the trade of the world.”
Ibid., p. 67
...The Germans seeming World Power status were ultimately, as Michael Howard has written, “not concerned with expanding within what they saw as a British dominated world-system. It was precisely that system which they found intolerable, and which they were determined to challenge on a basis of equality."
Ibid., p. 309
“...But at every step which we take in this direction England will resolutely oppose us...There is no standing still in the world’s history...It is obviously impossible to keep things in the status quo, as diplomacy has so often attempted...The principle of the balance of power in Europe, which has, since the Congress of Vienna, led an almost sacrosanct but entirely unjustifiable existence, must be entirely disregarded.”
Ibid., p. 55
[The Germans] build navies so as to play a part in the world affairs.—Winston Churchill, speech to the House of Commons, March 1914
Wonder if the author follows stuff like the latest “Arctic” Circle Conference 2022. It was like the main topic there was “China.” The rivalry so openly goes on everywhere as what the rising side now pursues is a new order over the whole world, not just over the periphery of its mainland.
Allison, “Destined for War,” p. 220
...the Department of Defense and intelligence community “hedge.” They strive to maintain military superiority, strengthen defense ties to key allies and friends—specifically Japan, South Korea, and India—develop intelligence assets, and plan for conflict with an adversary whose name, like Voldemort’s, they are not allowed to speak, but against whom they develop specific weapon systems and operation war plans.
In 2021, the Chinese foreign minister put out three core bottom lines Beijing wanted Washington to agree to: 1) Do not get in the way of the development for the People’s Republic of China (PRC), 2) Respect all PRC’s territorial claims over the places like South China Sea or Republic of China (ROC: Taiwan), and 3) Respect the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and its rules (so basically rule-based order: The real point is, however, not the rule per se but more like who writes it to become the de-fact’o author’ity).
Since it definitely harms the core interest of the US as the leader of current global order, Washington has done the opposite to all these CCP demands. It has imposed the semiconductor export bans and sanctioned leading Chinese technology firms, while the US and its key allies have solidified ties with ROC. The POTUS made clear in the press conference after a recent summit with the PRC Pres./ CCP Chair. Xi that US policy on ROC remains unchanged.
At the end of the US[A]-PR[C] Summit in Bali, last month, Pres. Biden said America would “vigorously” compete with China, but there isN’T gonna be an-other Cold War between the two.
The Presid’ent was right. America will try its best to keep the stat’us qu’o, and there won’t be another “cold” war, for the current US-PRC rivalry is NOT like the US-USSR rivalry over ideologies, but much more like the British-German rivalry towards the Great War over the global waters and trade/ economy.
In reality Communist ideology was prevented pretty well from spreading with US policies like Marshall Plan as long as countries under the ideology could not challenge the "actual" US economic hegemony.
In fact, it wasn’t about checking the Soviet influence, but keeping the US influence and control over the passages/ access to secure resources vit’al for the US global leadership. In other words, it wasn’t really about Communism or Soviet Union, but more like containing movements that opposed the way Washington led the post-1945 global order.
Washington managed to contain “most” of its en-emies (no-friends) as they were stuck in the Eurasian Continent away from the major water passages protected by the US Naval Forces. However, Vietnam (as well as Cuba) was a different story as it was pr’o-je[c]ting too far and deep along the South China Sea towards the Strait of Malacca, the very “gate and bridge” between the Pacific and Indian Ocean provoking the US intervention there.
After an unsuccessful attempt to “liberate” South Vietnam, the US pulled out of the country and dug in across the 1st Island Chain. It turned out Vietnam’s navy couldn’t play much role in the South China Sea after all, so that Washington found it not difficult for the US Navy to play its role as usual.
It was easier for Washington to cause trouble between Hanoi and Beijing instead, and the path’/ pass’age would be secured as long as the countries like the Philipp’ines, Malaysia and Singapore were still protected by the US naval supremacy. Likewise, had countries like Djibouti and Egypt (for Suez Canal) or any of the Saudi-led Gulf kingdoms (for Strait of Hormuz) been lost, Washington would’ve been in trouble, but the passage through Hormuz was still protected by the US Naval Forces, despite the de-part’ure of Iran in 1979, with all the Gulf kingdoms intact on its side.
Bottom line is that the Soviet Union and its block were no “real threat” to the US economic dominance, whereas the People's Republic of China today “intents” to become cap’able of taking it over. The PRC under the name of that very ideology is a “fake” Communist state as its real policy is extreme Capitalism coercively buying up all its diplomatic and military needs (like technologies or even carrier aviation skills) with money.
I'm not saying the USSR wasn't a great power. I'm simply saying it was a great power that didn’t cross the line to undermine the core interest of Washington’s world economic domin’ance, so that the two powers could co-exist as the US Navy could secure what the country really needed: Its control over the water passages like vital infrastructure stretching across the globe. And it was in fact even better with the existence of Soviet Union since the US could "use" it as a reason for the unity of the global free market economy under its leadership.
Again, the USSR Navy was nothing compared to the US Naval Forces, and the two economies were not seriously intermingled. On the other hand, the US-PRC economy’s been inseparable within one system like British and German Empires, but this rising China is not like Japan or Germany back in the late-20th century that grew wealthy “under” the US-led global order:
Within the frame it led to establish, Washington allowed its beaten-up enemies Tokyo and Berlin, upon the lessons from the consequence of Treaty of Versailles, “freely compete” to grow “with” their bestowed privileges under the US policies like Marshall Plan. However, the PRC under CCP wants to build a “new” order and rule, and for that it will have to break through the almost-cent-ur’y-old US-led g[u]l’obal order after all.
I expected a lot when I read the book’s entr'/ intr'o-duct'ion hoping that all the praises from the big names would kind of guarantee the author's claim that the war with PRC is NOT in-e-fæҫ’/ -vis’/ -vit’able. Looks like it was a false hope, and I was very disappointed honestly as I closed the book; I had to read through the pages with the utmost patience realizing that the author is not fit for getting us sail through this apparently unavoidable conflict between the United States of America and People's Re-peopl’/ -publ’ic of Chin’/ Qin’a in the right way.
Allison, “Destined for War,” p. xiv
...Proximate causes for war are undeniably important. But the founder of history believed that the most obvious causes for bloodshed mask even more significant ones. More important than the sparks that lead to war, Thucydides teaches us, are the structural factors that lay its foundations: conditions in which otherwise manageable events can escalate with unforeseeable severity and produce unimaginable consequences.
After all these foundations and introductions, without seeing it could bring an even more destructive c’on-sequence/ -second later, the book’s c’on-clos’/ clus’ion is all about simply avoiding the proximate causes like simply cleaning the surface of a deep scar as much as our eyes can see (while he was complaining about Washington lacking long-term strategies).
Allison, “Destined for War,” p. 83, p. 276
As Paul Kennedy neatly puts it, the leaders of Britain and Germany considered that their clash in 1914...the wartime struggle between London and Berlin was but a continuation of what had been going on for at least fifteen or twenty years...
It won't work while the structural chess board is set, unless either side “voluntarily and unconditionally” submits in the other’s favor e-vent’ually or both the nations launch space explorations into the unknown “hoping” tous les deux turn out successful like the case of Portugal & Spain in the late-15th to early-16th century.
I don’t understand why the author would take the Spain & Portugal case as a successful model to resolve the current US-PRC rivalry. The real reason Spain and Portugal didn't have to fight over the first open "global" waters was because they didn't know how big the globe really was. If they knew the modern topography they would have to fight over it. But at the time finding the unknown for possibly "endless" ad-vent’ures and following economic profits must have seemed way more reasonable than fighting the rival to death over the little discovery of the world.
Likewise if the US and PRC somehow "both successfully" exploit the outer space the result could be like that of Spain & Portugal in the late-15th century Ann’o Dam’/ Dom’in-i. But, over the present-day global waters and trade/ economy they won't sign a deal to draw a line to share their “limited” opp’ortunities.
After the world m’ap was completed with the water passages clearly marked towards India and China, Habsburg-Spain annexed the neighboring Port’ugal and ruled the whole global waters until the mid-17th century (1580-1640).
However, the Independence of Portugal and Peace of Westphalia both pr’actically and off’icially took half of the Spanish dom’ain ov’er the gl’obal waters giving France the chance to barge in the stage with significant size of territorial and economic control in both the West and East Indies (Did you know some Indian provinces and the locals there still speak French today?) with its fast growing naval power (including its “troupes de marine” established in 1623, the second such maritime mob'ile infantry fighting force established only after the Spanish as the first in 1574) and well-equipped/ -trained ground forces that dominated its neighboring nations like the Dutch Republic and Spain, while England, starting with the death of Elizabeth I, was suffering from its social di-vis’ion and a series of destructive civil wars throughout the 17th century.
The book suggests a solution that depends on the US-led United Nations. The UK-led Congress of Vienna was, too, established to pre-vent/ -wind devastating conflicts among powers from happening again, yet, what happened at the end of it (when the left-out German states were united)? How did the Peace of Westphalia go before that (when the left-out British Isles were united)? How about the Treaty of Tordesillas? Had the Pope not di-vided the whole world “only” for Spain and Portugal in the first place, the rising Bourbon-France with its society united under the leadership of “Cardinals” Rich’elieu and Maz’arin, wouldn’t have had to join the rising Protest’ant “anti-Habsburg” allies to crush its own fellow Catholic brethren in a prolonged war where millions lost their lives, would it?
Is our UN really different just because it includes the PRC? It includes all 193 currently-recognized nations, but for whose interest was it really established that is meant to antagonize the outsiders like PRC anyways despite its official status as a Permanent Member of the Security Council since 1971? Look how the ROC was sacrificed back then for the immediate US interest facing both Vietnam and the Soviet Union (also a UNSC Permanent Member lol). Remember how it worked for Washington against Beijing over South Sudan (oil) back in summer 2011? It won't matter how much money Beijing spends to change and control it; the PRC will be sidelined after all for the "cause" that Washington put as the base of the very order unless the order itself is replaced.
And come to think about it, neither ROK nor DPRK (another people’s re-peopl’ic...sigh) was a UN member state until 1991, but as soon as they joined the UN the first North Korean Nuclear Crisis broke out as Pyongyang announced its withdrawal from NPT. How sad; its on-ly “half-successful” action (because of Truman’s decision with no principle for a long-term peace) was the Korean War, and now we should change her name to "DN (Disunited Nations)."
Truth be told, global orders like the Treaty of Tordesillas, Peace of Westphalia, Congress of Vienna or even the latest United Nations have indulged violence elsewhere in order to avoid conflicts among my’/ mai’/ maj’or powers in favor of the me’/ mi’/ mæ’/ maj’or-leading order. We can’t really keep the world peace this way as the order just intervenes to enforce “historically ignorant” and hasty “makeshift” settlements between weaker entities just to save the order’s face causing never-ending regional conflict after conflict.
The 30-year old ongoing Azerbaijani-Armenian conflict is just one of the examples: Bak’u launched another massive artillery bombardment into Armenian territory as soon as it watched the Russian forces suffer from the West-backed Ukrainian counter-offensive. The West was sort of taking it as an opportunity to weaken Russian influence on its periphery while trying to diversify its energy sources, and what was the UN supposed to do? And where was the United Nations when the US-NATO forces pulled out of Afghanistan after 20 years of mayhem?
The hi-story in this book is not one continuing, long stor’y of our Humanity, but a mere collection of (sab[e]r’ed) sever’ed/ sever’al/ separ’ate stories defined and named for the convenience of our studies.
We should NOT think as if we are living at the end of our Human history. Someday we as well will be remembered like a history of medi’evɔl times to our descendents, and all our works with the United Nations today are gonna be remembered like our predecessors’ with their Vienna Congress after all.
Allison, “Destined for War,” p. 149
Chinese seek victory not in a decisive battle but through incremental moves designed to gradually improve their position...
That’s because PRC isn’t strong enough to face the US head on yet. What if it was already stronger than the US? The author talks a lot about “weiqi.” Is he a “weiqi” pr’actitioner? In weiqi, as we’re ready we strike hard and take as much enemy territory as possible to completely subjugate it. Does he really believe the Chinese leadership would still be playing a “slow” weiqi when it is clearly strong enough to beat its rival?
Why does the author think Beijing wants to grow much stronger building up its military power, especially PLA naval c’ap-ab’ilities in a frantic pace that’s n’ever been witnessed before, even surpassing the German naval power growth 100 years ago? I don’t understand why this “American” elite says his country should buy Beijing enough time to grow stronger to win.
The Art of War talks about winning without fight? Sure, if they can really win without a fight, that’ll be ideal, but what if they see they can’t? The most popular emperors in so-called the “Chinese” history (line’s vague to define it though) were all the greatest conquerors. They often had to use their military might to enforce the very “harmonious” order “with Zh’oŋ-gu’o de Zi’on-/ Ti’an-zi/ -ge (The Heaven’s-son of Middle-kingdom) as the center of all” upon those who refused it.
In this reality, what’s most important? Act’ual military readiness to “fight and win wars,” right? And that’s precisely what Pres. Xi’s PRC’s been doing in last whole dec’ade. The book seems passionate talking about famous ancient be’/ fi’g-ures and their dict’ums, but did Sun Tzu's “Art of War” really prevail facing the British naval power? Pres. Xi sees the “simple” reality (at least when it comes to the “principle” of diplomacy depending on one’s own strength, not on mercy from one’s counterpart) while the author, an American ad-vis’or, seems to be trapped in you know what.
Allison, “Destined for War,” p. 149
War for Chinese strategists is primarily psychological and political; military campaigns are a secondary concern. In Chinese thinking...for instance, through access or denial to trade. If psychological deterrence and economic incentives fail, the barbarians outside China’s borders can be set against one another in a contest in which everyone would lose except China. Eroding the enemy’s material capability and morale, and backing him into an alley from which there is no exit, is far better than defeating him on the battlefield.
What Chinese thinking? Are the good, old US economic sanctions imposed on outsiders that refuse to accept the American way any different? Mon-sieur Professor, your book quotes Sun Tzu's “Thou shalt kn’ow thy enemy and ‘thyself.’”
Google "young h d kim's global war of powershift and hegemony" to find the complete review with my own suggestions.
Part I of his book summarizes China’s ascent, a topic revisited in rich detail in Part III, and Part II provides historical background to Thucydides’ trap and an overview of sixteen cases during the past five hundred years “in which an ascending power challenges an established power.” Twelve resulted in war.
Chapter 6 of Part III provides a fascinating, if unsettling, account of China’s aspirations under President Xi Jinping. Under Xi, what China wants will sound only too familiar to readers: “Make China Great Again” or, in a later formulation, “Make China Proud Again.” Allison’s sketch of Xi’s life is fascinating. Xi, a man clever and wise enough to have been mentored by Singapore’s great leader, Kuan Yew Lee, is very much the “self-made man” uniformly beloved in this country. Xi is no idle dreamer. “To achieve the great revival of the Chinese nation” Xi maintains that China “must ensure there is unison between a prosperous country and a strong military.”
The chapter “From Here to War” is an engrossing account of various scenarios that might well lead to war. Having skated the surface of such scenario development some years ago, I was struck at how the emergence of cyber warfare can affect the perception of leaders and alter the outcome of hostilities. In fact, one difficulty is that the scenarios leading to war seem far more powerful - that is, they appear more likely - than the paths to peace covered near the book’s end. In making that claim, I do not intend to convey the impression that this book is a doomsday read. It’s not. What it does teach us is that policy-makers must undertake a serious effort toward the objective of escaping Thucydides’ trap. That, in turn, will entail the discipline of not to being overly distracted by the endless cycle of events in the Middle East.
This is a wide ranging text, and the wisdom it imparts reflects the decades of experience Mr. Allison brings to the task, both as a long serving Harvard academic and an advisor to the defense departments of both parties. I cannot recommend this book highly enough.
Top reviews from other countries
- El paquete llego en tiempo y el producto cumplio su proposito
Die Konstellation der Konfrontation einer etablierten Hegemonialmacht (USA) mit einer aufsteigenden Macht (China), die zumindest danach strebt, von der etablierten Macht als gleichrangig anerkannt zu werden, erzeugt nach Allisons Argumentation ein Potenzial für Krieg zwischen beiden Mächten, der dann durch ein zufälliges Ereignis ausgelöst werden kann, so wie die Ermordung des österreichischen Thronfolgers in Sarajewo 1914 den ersten Weltkrieg ausgelöst hat. Allison skizziert in seinem Buch mehrere plausible Szenarien, wie mögliche Ereignisse (wie ein Kollaps Nordkoreas, eine taiwanesische Unabhängigkeitserklärung oder ein Handelskrieg zwischen China und Amerika) eine Eskalationsspirale in Gang setzen könnten, die zum Krieg führt. Dass beide Mächte über gegen einen Erstschlag der Gegenseite gesicherte Nuklearwaffen verfügen, garantiert nicht die Erhaltung des Friedens: Allison weist überzeugend nach, dass während der Kuba-Krise die USA und die Sowjetunion mehrmals am Rande eines Atomkrieges standen und diese ultimative Eskalation jeweils nur durch glückliche Zufälle verhindert worden ist.
Der Autor scheint sich in seinem Buch bewusst bemüht zu haben, jeglichen akademischen Jargon zu vermeiden. Das Buch ist also gut lesbar und erfordert keinerlei Vorkenntnisse. Die Lektüre hat meine Wahrnehmung der wichtigsten geopolitischen Frage des 21. Jahrhunderts wesentlich bereichert. Geistig besonders anregend war für mich ein Kapitel über die fundamentalen kulturellen Unterschiede zwischen beiden Ländern, die die jeweiligen politischen Kulturen geprägt haben und einen konstruktiven Dialog zwischen beiden Staaten zusätzlich erschweren.
著者は、学生の頃にキューバ危機を分析した『決定の本質』で政策的意思決定分野のパラダイムを築いたと言われ、
ハーバード大学のケネディ行政大学院初代学長を務めたグレアム・アリソン。つまり結構な重鎮だし、発言力もある人です。
そのアリソンが、過去500年の”ツキジデスの罠”を調べた研究結果をまとめたのが本書(のように見える)。
ツキジデスの罠と言うのは、古代ギリシャ時代、成長するアテネが覇権国家スパルタに挑戦し、ペロポネソス戦争に発展したのを受けて、ペロポネソス戦争を歴史的にまとめたツキジデスが提示した仮説「覇権国家が成長中の国家にその地位を脅かされたときに戦争が勃発する」のこと。
アリソンは過去500年の「覇権国家が成長国家に脅かされた」事例を16個特定、そのうち12個が戦争に発展、4個は戦争にはいたらかなった=回避ができたという。
そのことから、米国(派遣国家)と中国(成長国家)は、皆が想像している以上に、戦争に突入する可能性が高いだろうと論じている。
一方で、4例は回避できていることからも、回避は可能であると述べており、特に
①自国家(アメリカ)の絶対に譲れないラインの明確化
②相手国家(中国)の絶対に譲れないラインの推定
③外交戦略を立てること
④自国内で抱える政治問題にちゃんと向き合う事
の4点が、戦争回避のためには必要だとのことです。
③は意外かもしれませんが、オバマも”今の時代にケナンの様な外交官は必要ない”というようなことを言っていたようですし、④に至っては、たしかに自国内の抱える問題・不満のはけ口を外交の舞台に求めているように見えることはあるような気がします。
また、①についは、アメリカにとって台湾やベトナムは絶対に譲れないラインではないとまで述べています。(絶対に譲れないのは”核戦争を回避すること”だとのこと)
自分は完全なる戦争反対派なので(だってベネディクト・アンダーソンが言ったように、”国家”などというものは想像上のものに過ぎないし、そんなもののために命を捨てたくはない)、戦争を避けるにはどうしたら良いか、という非常に重要な論点を抑えた本書は、少しでも戦争勃発のリスクを下げるために重要な作品だと思います。















