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Bernard Wasserstein

Divided Jerusalem: The Struggle for the Holy City Hardcover – September 1, 2001

by Bernard Wasserstein (Author)

2.0 1 rating

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In this timely book, Bernard Wasserstein offers the first authoritative history of the fraught diplomatic relations surrounding the Holy City of Jerusalem. Jews, Muslims, and Christians have all claimed the city as their own over the centuries--as have a dizzying array of foreign nations. In the period between the founding of the city and its capture by Israelis in 1967, Jerusalem has been conquered at least thirty-seven times. "No other town," wrote Arthur Koestler in 1948, "has caused such continuous waves of killing, rape, and unholy misery over the centuries as the Holy City." Today, Jerusalem lies at the core of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. It is the most deeply divided capital city in the world: its Arab and Jewish residents inhabit different districts, speak different languages, attend different schools, read different newspapers, observe different holy days-- live, in almost every significant respect, different lives. Against the background of renewed violence in and around Jerusalem, this book explores the complicated origins of the current diplomatic impasse. Why is the question of Jerusalem so intractable? Why has it outlasted almost every other political dispute as a focus for diplomatic wrangling and collective violence? And what are the prospects for resolution? Meticulously researched, and written with humanity and elegance, this book offers an illuminating contribution to the effort to achieve a lasting negotiated settlement of a tragic conflict that affects us all.

Editorial Reviews

From Publishers Weekly

Intractable conflicts concerning religion and national sovereignty have always intertwined around Jerusalem. Focusing on diplomacy from antiquity to the present, Wasserstein (Vanishing Diaspora), a professor of history at Glasgow University and president of the Jewish Historical Society of England, traces the city's constant transformations in size, infrastructure and political rule. At various times, Egyptians, Turks, French, British, Israelis and Jordanians have controlled parts of Jerusalem. Moreover, while it has always been considered a "holy city," its holiness "is neither a constant nor an absolute" but rather a human construct that has "waxed and waned" over the centuries for Muslims, Jews and Christians alike. Wasserstein also follows intriguing, less-traveled lines of investigation, such as the diminishing Christian presence during the 20th century. Even as the violence in Jerusalem continues, the historical perspective offered in these pages provides hope for a way out. The author locates the Camp David negotiations, for instance, in a broad historical context: the Israeli-American proposal "for allowing Jews to pray on the Mount and the possible designation of a special section for that purpose... marked... a radical departure from both Muslim and Jewish tradition as well as from the policy of every Israeli government since 1967." In Wasserstein's view, a power-sharing solution is possible only if religious and national interests are separated. Though he doesn't offer a specific solution, his sympathies seem to lie with aspects of the now-moribund Oslo peace accord. This astute, incisive treatment of an age-old struggle erupting in a present-day crisis adds a calm, thoughtful voice to the debates. Maps. (Sept.)Forecast: Wasserstein's glowing reputation and his planned lectures in Boston, New York and Washington will win this book a lot of attention.

Review

"A book which deserves praise for its meticulous scholarship, cool judgment, and even-handed, non-partisan consideration of an impossible problem." -- Frank McLynn, The Glasgow Herald

"A valuable and lucid analysis of just how divided Jerusalem is." -- Hyam Maccoby, Evening Standard

"Astute, incisive treatment of an age-old struggle erupting in a present-day crisisa calm, thoughtful voice to the debates." -- Publishers Weekly

"Interesting and articulate . . . traces the struggles of a plethora of religious and national groups to control Jerusalem over two millennia." -- Colin Shindler, Jerusalem Post

"Interesting and articulatetraces the struggles of a plethora of religious and national groups to control Jerusalem over two millennia." -- Colin Shindler, Jerusalem Post

"One of our most distinguished writers on Jewish history . . . [provides] a well informed and penetrating exploration of 'the Jerusalem question.'" -- Geoffrey Wheatcroft, Sunday Times (London)

"Scrupulously unbiased." -- Harvey Morris, Financial Times

"Wasserstein . . . writes clearly and dispassionately on a theme that has been more cliché-ridden than most." -- Amos Elon, The New York Review

Product details

Publisher ‏ : ‎ Yale University Press; First Edition (September 1, 2001)
Language ‏ : ‎ English
Hardcover ‏ : ‎ 432 pages
ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0300091648
ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0300091649
Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 1.75 pounds
Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 6.5 x 1 x 9.5 inches

Best Sellers Rank: #5,908,647 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #5,617 in Israel & Palestine History (Books)
- #15,992 in Jewish History (Books)

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Jill Malter

Weakly argued

Reviewed in the United States on March 11, 2005

There is some history of Jerusalem here. But it isn't all that good. And the author's conclusions are dubious at best.

Suppose we were to see a history of Vilnius. We'd discover that the capital of Lithuania could be claimed by Russia, Belorus, or even Poland. Of course, these places have their own capitals. But why not steal someone else's? We could make up a story that some Russian Czar once dreamed of Vilnius. That ought to give folks a right to swipe it!

And there is a demographic argument! Lithuania doesn't have as many people as Russia. Surely, we ought to bow to reality and let Russia have it. Or at least internationalize it!

The problem with the demographic argument is that the Russians have a huge land while the Lithuanians have a small one. Unless Vilnius is stolen from the Lithuanians by force, the Lithuanians are very likely to keep it.

Now, let's see if we can do a little better than Wasserstein, and apply this reasoning to Jerusalem.

The author admits that in 1910, there were about 45,000 Jews in Jerusalem as opposed to 12,000 Muslims and 12,900 Christians. Jerusalem had been the capital of the Jews for millenia, since the time of King David. And even in the mid-1870s, before Modern Zionism began, Jerualem's Jews were a majority of the population.

In 1910, we see that Jews were well over 60% of the population. They still are. Unless violence is used to get rid of them, the Jews will keep Jerusalem.

Now, it is true that we could make up a story about Mohammed dreaming about Jerusalem. Hey, we could make up a story about Mohammed's horse being born in the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem, exactly 600 years to the day after the birth of Jesus. But would that suffice to justify swiping the Church of the Nativity?

I'm a Pagan who would be happy to see the Temple of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva restored in Aelia Capitolina. But I can see who really lives there now. The Jews do. And the Muslims are a big minority. And the Christians have been fleeing the place, but there are still a few left. There aren't too many Polytheists around. We don't own the place. And that is what counts.

Wasserstein wants to come up with a politically correct solution that will give Muslims a right to at least share Jerusalem (oops, I mean al-Quds) equally with the Jews, or with the Jews and Christians. Well, before I consider this, I want to see a politically incorrect proposal to share Medina (oops, I mean Yathrib) equally with the Jews. Israel is not a large nation. But it has over 6 million people, including over 5 million Jews, and Jerusalem is its capital.

The author does discuss the politics of Jerusalem being Israel's capital. And he does mention the fact that every candidate for President of the United States in the past few elections has promised to move America's Israeli Embassy to Jerusalem. None have done so. This would have been an opportunity for him to advise candidates to carry out that promise or stop making it. But he didn't really do that. Instead, he implied that it would somehow be unfair and unwise for the United States, which has all its other embassies in the capitals of nations, to put its Israeli embassy in the capital of Israel.

Right now, many Muslims are happy to say that what is theirs is theirs and theirs alone, while what is not theirs is negotiable and must be shared with them or given to them outright. And there are books like this one which imply that they are being reasonable and wise to say this. But eventually, reality will catch up to them.

I don't recommend this book.