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Edmund Burke: The First Conservative Hardcover – May 21, 2013
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As Norman reveals, Burke was often ahead of his time, anticipating the abolition of slavery and arguing for free markets, equality for Catholics in Ireland, and responsible government in India, among many other things. He was not always popular in his own lifetime, but his ideas about power, community, and civic virtue have endured long past his death. Indeed, Burke engaged with many of the same issues politicians face today, including the rise of ideological extremism, the loss of social cohesion, the dangers of the corporate state, and the effects of revolution on societies. He offers us now a compelling critique of liberal individualism, and a vision of society based not on a self-interested agreement among individuals, but rather on an enduring covenant between generations.
Burke won admirers in the American colonies for recognizing their fierce spirit of liberty and for speaking out against British oppression, but his greatest triumph was seeing through the utopian aura of the French Revolution. In repudiating that revolution, Burke laid the basis for much of the robust conservative ideology that remains with us to this day: one that is adaptable and forward-thinking, but also mindful of the debt we owe to past generations and our duty to preserve and uphold the institutions we have inherited. He is the first conservative.
A rich, accessible, and provocative biography, Edmund Burke describes Burkes life and achievements alongside his momentous legacy, showing how Burkes analytical mind and deep capacity for empathy made him such a vital thinkerboth for his own age, and for ours.
- Print length336 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherBasic Books
- Publication dateMay 21, 2013
- Grade level8 and up
- Reading age13 years and up
- Dimensions7 x 1 x 10 inches
- ISBN-100465058973
- ISBN-13978-0465058976
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- Publisher : Basic Books; First Edition (May 21, 2013)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 336 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0465058973
- ISBN-13 : 978-0465058976
- Reading age : 13 years and up
- Grade level : 8 and up
- Item Weight : 1.2 pounds
- Dimensions : 7 x 1 x 10 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,064,847 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #778 in Philosopher Biographies
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- #27,229 in World History (Books)
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About the author

Jesse Norman is the MP for Hereford and South Herefordshire. As Financial Secretary to the Treasury from 2019 to 2021, he managed the UK furlough scheme and other pandemic support measures. He was made a Privy Councillor in 2019.
Before entering politics Jesse worked in the charitable sector and was a director at Barclays, among other things. He was educated at Oxford University (MA) and did an MPhil and PhD in philosophy at UCL. He is an honorary research fellow at the University of St Andrews and a fellow of All Souls College, Oxford.
Jesse is the author or editor of various works of political philosophy, and of acclaimed biographies of Edmund Burke and Adam Smith. An enthusiastic cyclist, hillwalker, wild swimmer and amateur jazz trumpeter, he is married to Kate Bingham and they have three children. The Winding Stair is his first novel.
www.jessenorman.com
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Edmund Burke (1729-1797) was born in Dublin, his father was a successful lawyer. In 1750 Burke moved to London after graduating from Trinity College, Dublin. He initially studied law but gave it up to become a writer. Burke entered parliament in 1765 and was viewed as a great orator. His maiden speech was praised by the prime minister, William Pitt. He impressed other great minds of his time, like Samuel Johnson and Adam Smith. Burke became a public intellectual and gave his opinions on the great issues of the day.
The book is divided into two parts. The first is biographical. The second examines Burke’s political philosophy. Norman tends to make exaggerated claims for Burke. He writes that “Edmund Burke is both the greatest and most underrated political thinker of the past 300 years.” Burke was a maverick who never became a cabinet minister. He would often disagree with the leaders of his own party. Norman admits that Burke's political career, with only two years holding public office, "was largely one of failure."
Burke was a member of the Whig party, which later morphed into the Liberal party. The conservative party of Burke's day was called the Tory party. Until the 20th century, Burke was considered a liberal. Burke believed that politicians should help the whole of society including the poor. He believed in the common good, public service, and public duty. He believed in tradition and that a social contract existed between the dead, the living and those not yet born.
Burke quickly established a reputation as an expert on economics, and he was the first great English parliamentarian to preach free trade. He described Adam Smith's “The Wealth of Nations” as “perhaps the most important book ever written.” Burke and Smith were friends and they agreed on economic policy. Burke believed that religion was the foundation of civil society. He was an Anglican who criticized deism and atheism and emphasized Christianity as a vehicle of social progress.
Burke detested the abuse of power. He defended the American revolution because he believed the Americans were getting a raw deal. He was opposed to British imperialism in Ireland and India. He didn’t believe in military adventures overseas. He opposed the oppression of Catholics in Ireland, his mother was a Catholic. He tried to impeach Warren Hastings the governor-general of Bengal who worked for the British East India Company. Burke criticized the company's greed and its exploitation of the Indian people. He also criticized the slave trade, capital punishment, and the opium trade.
Burke did not believe that everybody should have the vote because the government of the country required a degree of education that the common people of his day lacked. He believed that ordinary people could be exploited by demagogues and led astray. This could lead to violence and the oppression of unpopular minorities. The Founding Fathers shared similar fears. The U.S. Constitution contains elaborate checks and balances to prevent the majority from oppressing the minority. Wealthy American landowners feared the mob. The universal franchise was not introduced immediately. In 1789, voting was restricted to property-owning or tax-paying white males. This group represented about 6% of the population.
Burke was horrified by the French Revolution and the anarchy brought about by mob rule. His pamphlet “Reflections on the Revolution in France” criticized the revolution’s methods and goals. It is also a defense of traditional life. Their great error, he argued, was to think that one could overhaul the social order according to the dictates of reason and abstract values like equality or liberty. Burke anticipated the "reign of terror" and the rule of a dictator like Robespierre. Many aristocrats, including the French king and queen, were publicly executed. The mob turned on Robespierre and he was executed in 1794. Napoleon Bonaparte became a despot in 1799 and tried to spread France's revolutionary ideals across Europe through warfare. Europe was at war until Napoleon was imprisoned in 1815.
Burke believed in parliamentary sovereignty. He distrusted the will of the people. He believed MPs were meant to act in the national interest. He opposed the notion that elected officials should merely be delegates. He believed that MPs were entitled to impose their own superior opinions on voters.
A similar debate is playing out in Britain today over Brexit. The people voted for Brexit in a referendum and MPs have been trying to ignore the result, supposedly in the national interest. Ironically, the MPs who invoke Burke to justify their opposition to Brexit, forget that he believed in the nation-state. He would have opposed the EU because “a project which ultimately seeks to abolish national allegiances and identities is likely to fail.” A similar debate is playing out across the West with voters becoming disillusioned with political parties who increasingly ignore their views, supposedly in the national interest. This dissatisfaction has manifested itself in the rise of populism.
Much of Burke’s political philosophy is still relevant today. People are better educated today than they were in the 18th century so perhaps they don’t need politicians to interpret their best interests. I enjoyed the book.
"Burke [is] the hinge or pivot of political modernity, the thinker on whose shoulders much of the Anglo-American tradition of representative government still rests. But he is also the earliest post-modern political thinker, the first and greatest critic of the modern age, and of what has been called liberal individualism: a set of basic assumptions about human nature and human well-being that arose in the nineteenth century, long after Burke's death . . . " (p. 183).
Note that this 'postmodernism' is not the fashionable domain of the French Nietzscheans (an increasingly ephemeral construct which Burke would have held in contempt) but rather a subtle view of the 'passions' that dominate human reason and shape human experience, a view which he shares with his great contemporary, Hume. His views, like Hume's and Johnson's are fundamentally historical, empirical and, we would now say, psychological and even sociological. His views are not anti-foundational/epistemological. As the author notes, Burke asks (in his LETTER TO THE SHERIFFS OF BRISTOL), "What is the use of discussing a man's abstract right to food or medicine? The question is upon the method of procuring them and administering them . . . I shall always advise to call in aid of the farmer and the physician, rather than the professor of metaphysics" (p. 194).
The 300 pages of the book are divided into two parts—first, an exploration of Burke's life and, second, an exploration of his thought. The analysis is so rich that I could not do justice to it in a brief review, but I will try to summarize Burke's views in my own words and my own points of reference.
Thomas Sowell and others have deflated the claims of socialism by pointing out a straightforward fact. Our economic lives are vastly complicated but our needs are addressed by the market. When some individual or individuals attempt to overthrow all that we have experienced and done they are forced to recreate the world. For example, if we close down the hardware stores and other small businesses and assign government the role of taking over their tasks and operations, someone in the government will have to decide how many ten-penny finishing nails will need to be created to serve the needs of both Chicago and Fulton, Missouri. Since the world of a single hardware store is endlessly complicated the new government will need to make billions and billions of decisions. At this it will inevitably fail and some degree of chaos and retrogression will result. Burke looks at society and sees us as members of a vast number of little platoons that are themselves endlessly complicated. From these organizations and relationships we take our life and sustenance as social beings. To take all of these established patterns of existence which link the past, present and future and substitute a radical replacement based on abstract principles is the road to a totalitarian hell. Political change is important, particularly when power has been abused and the relatively defenseless have been brutalized, but that change must be incremental, cautious and prudent and must be conducted with a firm eye on the complexity and importance of the social fabric which it seeks to alter. This is Burkean conservatism and in the author's judgment we would do well to steep ourselves in it.
Burke's writings make this a bit difficult because they are both scattered and voluminous, but the power of his intellect and personality justify the effort. This is, after all, a man held in the highest regard by the man who gave his name to the age in which Burke flourished, Samuel Johnson.
Bottom line: a superb introduction to Burke's life and thought by an individual exceptionally well-positioned to provide it.
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Mr Norman is, himself, a politician. He is a Conservative MP. It speaks volumes for the way in which we think of our political representatives that it came as a considerable, though very welcome, surprise to discover that there is at least one MP in the present House of Commons who has carefully studied the speeches and writings of, arguably, the most influential conservative thinker we have ever had.
On reflection, I am probably being dreadfully unfair to a great many MPs in thinking they are all ignorant of history in general and of Burke in particular. These days, as a result, ironically, of the strength of the party system which Burke did so much to create, backbench MPs have practically no opportunity to develop any ideas or arguments in speeches to the House of Commons. Burke frequently addressed the House (as a backbencher which he was for most of his political career) for several hours at a time. Today, because party whips insist (with the support of the Speaker) that debate in the chamber should be kept to the minimum, backbenchers are usually instructed to speak for no longer than ten minutes. It is, perhaps, not surprising that they do not feel able to devote any of that limited time to an explanation of why they have come to the views they are expressing. It could well be, were proper debate ever to be permitted again in Parliament, that we would hear many speeches from MPs drawing on their understanding of the words of the great thinkers of the past. Sadly, at least for the present, that is not permitted. As a result, MPs tend to be seen as opinionated ignoramuses motivated only by self-interest (though, as Mr Norman points out, there is nothing new in MPs being thought of, often unfairly, as being only self-interested).
Norman divides his book into two parts. The first half is in the form of a biography of Burke. The second contains an analysis of his thinking. The biographical part, though necessarily quite short, makes fascinating reading. It is not restricted to a dry account of what Burke did and when. There are many reflections on his ideas and opinions to be gleaned from his most famous writings and speeches. And, in particular, Norman goes a long way to laying one awful ghost to rest. In his own time, and over the hundreds of years which have since passed, Burke has been accused of having been nothing more than the mouthpiece of those who gave him (or might give him) financial support. Of course, politicians of all parties will always be quick to attack their opponents' perceived motives rather than to tackle the arguments themselves. Burke was a politician and would therefore have expected that those who disagreed with him would occasionally resort to slander when unable to answer his arguments. But later commentators can't really be excused for doing the same. That the charge they make against Burke is plainly untrue is clear to anyone who actually bothers to read his words. But many won't and Mr Norman is to be congratulated on his entirely persuasive explanation as to why the slanderers' allegations should be dismissed out of hand.
Even in the first part of the book Norman does sometimes betray the fact that he is a creature of his times. Even though, for instance, he acknowledges that, in the late 17th century, MPs tended not to visit their constituencies very much, he seems to be shocked that, in six years of representing Bristol in the House of Commons, Burke only visited the city twice. Norman's view that, had Burke been more assiduous in nursing his constituency, he might not have been thrown out by the merchants of Bristol is, I suspect, nonsense. Their complaint against him was not the modern one (that he should have devoted most of his time to being a social worker for his constituents), it was that they thought his policies (particularly his desire for free trade with Ireland) would lead to their businesses suffering. They would have felt exactly the same if he had spent every weekend in Bristol. And they would certainly have thought him as mad as a hatter if he had wandered round the city, in the manner of a 21st century MP, seeking to sort out his constituents' housing problems.
The second part of the book is not quite so readable as the first. That is not to say it is not worth reading. It has much to tell us, in particular about why we can still benefit from Burke's wisdom. But it does have two faults. First, despite Norman having spent many pages explaining why the "scientific" approach to politics is unreliable, he goes on to devote far too large a chunk of the second part to an analysis of modern studies by social scientists which, he maintains, prove Burke was right in his approach to society and politics. The argument is not a compelling one. The reader is left with the uncomfortable feeling that anti-Burkeians would have no difficulty in finding other studies by other social scientists which would "prove" that Burke was wrong.
Second, though this is not such a serious charge, Norman has attempted, as all politicians are inclined to do, to claim the posthumous support of a dead politician for his own current policies, or to explain why that dead politician, had he been alive now, would have argued against policies of which the author disapproves. I say this charge is not a serious one because, sensibly, Norman has been fairly general in his choice of modern policies to which he thinks Burke would have taken objection or which he reckons Burke would have supported. That said, I am not sure any of us can really say, for instance, how Burke would have approached the break up of the Soviet Union or the Iraq or Afghan conflicts. We are on safer ground in looking at the EU. We can be confident that Burke would have been deeply opposed to it, representing, as it does, a major attack on Parliamentary sovereignty undertaken with no thought being given to the loss of national loyalties and institutions. Indeed, there are many more "reforms" of modern times which we can be sure Burke would have hated and which Norman does not even mention. One thinks of the so-called "reform" of the House of Lords, leading to its becoming no more than a chamber packed with placemen and women appointed in order to support the major political parties. One thinks of the pointless abolition of the Judicial Committee of the House of Lords and its replacement with the Supreme Court, undertaken for the sole purpose of trying to look "modern". Above all, one thinks of the Human Rights Act (indeed, of the Convention itself). Burke must be turning in his grave as he sees modern British judges applying abstract theories of human rights instead of sound common law principles.
But Norman does not look at policies of that sort. Maybe he has a slight worry that the Conservative whips (or those of them who are vaguely literate) will read his book and try to spot "incorrect" thinking. And it is here that one wonders whether it is really right that Burke would have been happy with the modern party system which Norman credits him with having invented. My own suspicion is that, just as Burke identified the Crown as being too powerful in George III's time, he would now be looking desperately for ways to rein in the political parties. What he wanted was a system of government which balanced the interests of Crown, Lords and Commons. What we now have is a system of government which, in most times, gives all power to one party. Yes, as Norman rightly says, parties are essential for modern politics. But they have gone much further than Burke could ever have wanted them to. Just imagine how he would have reacted to being told by the Speaker of the House of Commons (at the instigation of the party whips) that he should limit all his speeches to ten minutes!
It is not possible to do justice to a book as splendid as this one is in such a short review. What you must do is buy and read it.
Charles
"Edmund Burke is both the greatest and the most underrated political thinker of the past 300 years."
I must admit that all of this made me worried that the book was going to be completely hagiographic. While I prefer biographies that are sympathetic, I also look for biographers to take a balanced approach and to criticise where criticism is due. I'm glad to say that the bulk of the book is not quite as fawningly sycophantic as these early impressions had made me fear, though it is clear that the author is coming at his subject from a position of deep admiration.
Jesse Norman is a British politician and a Conservative Member of Parliament. Prior to that, he gained a degree in Classics from Oxford, and went on to study and later lecture in philosophy. In the introduction, he advises that the book does not contain primary research, but instead represents his personal interpretation of Burke's life, philosophy and legacy.
The book has a rather unusual structure for a biography. The first half is given over to a fairly standard account of Burke's life and career, while the second part takes a closer look at his thought. I felt this divide worked quite well, although since Burke's life was considerably less interesting than his thought, equally the second half of the book was a good deal more interesting than the first.
Born in Dublin in 1730, Burke saw at first hand the repression of the Catholics in Ireland and the negative effect this had on society. Norman suggests this early experience remained an influence throughout his life, feeding along with later experiences into the seemingly contradictory stances he took over the American and French Revolutions at the end of the century. In summing up Burke's core beliefs, Norman says he held that “the purpose of politics is not to satisfy the interests of individuals living now: it is to preserve an evolving social order which meets the needs of generations past, present and future.” Thus, he agreed with the American colonists that there should be no taxation without representation and felt that it was important that colonies were embedded socially by creation of the kinds of institutions that existed in nation states, rather than being controlled remotely from afar. On the other hand, while he accepted the cruelties of the inequalities that led to the French Revolution, there he felt that the revolutionaries were crushing and destroying those very institutions that are required to maintain social cohesion.
This dichotomy gives the impression of him as a very practical politician and philosopher, willing to examine each event on its own merits, but with his opinions firmly embedded in his core beliefs. However this in turn meant that he didn't please those in power all the time, being in and out of favour with his electorate, political colleagues and the King depending on what subject was uppermost at the time. This may explain why, despite his obvious intellect and talents, he never reached the upper echelons of parliamentary power. However, Norman shows the influence that Burke's thinking had on how Parliament developed in Britain (and, Norman claims, in America) – an influence still felt today. It was Burke who argued that government should be representative – that once in Parliament MPs should be governed by their own opinions rather than bowing directly to the wishes of their electorate. This rested on his idea that it is the duty of politicians to study deeply and understand the history behind current events and the institutions that form the basis of stable societies.
There really is too much in the book to cover in a review without it becoming unwieldy. I found it well written and accessible, and Norman has the ability to compress large historical subjects into easily understood summaries, leaving him plenty of room to make his arguments about Burke's influence and importance. As usual, I am in the position of not being able to speak to the accuracy of either the facts nor Norman's interpretation of them, but I found his arguments convincing. Bearing in mind that Norman is a practising Conservative politician, his conclusions read a little like a plea for the Conservative Party, amongst others, to reacquaint themselves with the founding principles of the party – to accept, for instance, that, contrary to Mrs Thatcher's claim, in fact there is such a thing as society, and that markets and other institutions are cultural artefacts to be mediated through good governance rather than to be left entirely to their own devices. Norman also makes the point that Burke believed that, since man is a social animal, then society's needs should take precedence over the wishes of the individual – something that seems to have become forgotten in the last few decades of rampant individualism. (Interestingly, he points out that since most social studies research is carried out in American Universities with students as subjects, then this may skew results to increase the apparent appeal of liberal individualism.)
Overall, a thought-provoking read which doesn't require any pre-knowledge of Burke's contribution to philosophy or political thinking – interesting both in its historical context and in how Burke's influence still resonates in politics today.










