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The Elementary Forms of Religious Life (Oxford World's Classics) Abridged Edition
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The Elementary Forms has been applauded and debated by sociologists, anthropologists, ethnographers, philosophers, and theologians, and continues to speak to new generations about the intriguing origin and nature of religion and society. This new, lightly abridged edition provides an excellent introduction to Durkheim's ideas.
About the Series: For over 100 years Oxford World's Classics has made available the broadest spectrum of literature from around the globe. Each affordable volume reflects Oxford's commitment to scholarship, providing the most accurate text plus a wealth of other valuable features, including expert introductions by leading authorities, voluminous notes to clarify the text, up-to-date bibliographies for further study, and much more.
- ISBN-109780199540129
- ISBN-13978-0199540129
- EditionAbridged
- PublisherOxford University Press
- Publication dateJune 15, 2008
- LanguageEnglish
- Dimensions7.66 x 0.81 x 5.18 inches
- Print length416 pages
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About the Author
Carol Cosman has translated works by Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir, Balzac and Yasmina Reza Mark Cladis is the author of A Communitarian Defense of Liberalim: Emile Durkheim and Contemporary Social Theory (Stanford, 1992) and editor of Durkheim and Foucault: Perspectives on Education and Punishment (1999).
Product details
- ASIN : 0199540128
- Publisher : Oxford University Press; Abridged edition (June 15, 2008)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 416 pages
- ISBN-10 : 9780199540129
- ISBN-13 : 978-0199540129
- Item Weight : 10.2 ounces
- Dimensions : 7.66 x 0.81 x 5.18 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #117,352 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #64 in Sociology & Religion
- #353 in History of Christianity (Books)
- #4,010 in Social Sciences (Books)
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About the authors

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Mark S. Cladis is the Brooke Russell Astor Professor of the Humanities. His work often pertains to the intersection of modern Western religious, political, and environmental thought, and it is as likely to engage poetry and literature as it is philosophy and critical theory. Among other things, this work entails attention to environmental justice and indigenous ecology. Du Bois has become central to his research on radical aesthetics (aesthetics dedicated to social justice). He is a founding member of Environmental Humanities at Brown (EHAB) and is an active faculty member in Native American and Indigenous Studies at Brown. He is the author of Public Vision, Private Lives (Oxford University Press, 2003; paperback edition, Columbia University Press, 2006) and A Communitarian Defense of [progressive, social democratic] Liberalism (Stanford University Press, 1992), and over sixty articles and chapters in edited books. After receiving his doctorate from Princeton University, where he studied philosophy and social theory as they relate to the field of religious studies, he taught at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Stanford University, and at Vassar College where he served as Chair for six years. He arrived at Brown University in 2004 and served as Chair for several 3-year terms. He is the editor of Emile Durkheim's Elementary Forms of the Religious Life (Oxford University Press, 2001) and of Education and Punishment: Durkheim and Foucault (Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2001). He has recently completed the book, In Search of a Course: Reflections on Education and the Culture of the Modern Research University. He is currently working on the book project, Radical Romanticism: Religion, Democracy, and the Environmental Imagination. For his latest book, see https://www.regalhousepublishing.com/mark-cladis/. For more information on Mark Cladis, see his website, https://sites.brown.edu/markcladis/
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The question that guided Durkheim throughout his fruitful career was "how is society possible?" In other words, how do we explain social cohesion, avoiding the pathologies and divisiveness attendant to egoism (social isolaltion) and anomie (cultural deregulation), terms introduced by Durkheim in The Division of Labor in Society and effectively applied in his book Suicide?
The Elementary Forms of Religious Life makes a profound contribution to answering questions as to the basis of social cohesion. Though limited almost exclusively to simple, largely undifferentiated societies based on a collective consciousness, Durkheim's account of the emergence and role of elementary religious influences has lessons applicable to contemporary times.
Specifically, Durkheim's discussion of the totem, an animal, plant, natural physical force, or simple material artifact, used to represent a clan or tribe can be likened to the American flag in the U.S., a symbol that has quasi-religious significance. When the flag is displayed, especially to comparatively large aggregates of Americans, it elicits a shared emotional response reflecting a commonly held moral ideal and set of shared beliefs. The shared response, moreover, serves to reaffirm and rejuvenate the moral code and belief system on which the response is based.
The same might be said of the crucifix for Christians, the Star of David for Jews, or a crescent and star on a green background for Muslims. As material artifacts the symbols are of little intrinsic value. However, as symbols of a collectively shared, morally binding world view they provide much-needed psychological sustenance, especially when invoked for aggregates gathered together to celebrate the rightness of a commonly held perspective.
Readers of Durkheim's earlier work will recognize that such assemblages and displays of a totem will be most effective in simpler societies where experiential commonality gives rise to a well developed collective consciousness. In more complex societies, where a vast diversity of life experiences diminishes the content and efficacy of the collective consciousness, symbols that have totemic influence are hard to find. While the American flag remains one such symbol in the contemporary U.S., the rancorous social, cultural, and political differences that separate Americans make clear that the flag as a totem means different things to different people. This diminishes its value as a source of social cohesion that reminds us of shared beliefs and common outlook. The diminished value of the flag as a totem is both a consequence and a cause of exaggerated diversity, not to be found within simpler organizational forms such as the clan or tribe among Nineteenth Century aboriginal Australians.
Having read The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, one can see the social provenance of commonly held, taken-for-granted ideas of space, time, number, cause and effect, and other fundamental categories. Moreover, Durkheim's conclusion that when people worship their totem they are, in effect, worshiping their clan or tribe is insightfully compelling. As already noted, however, one wonders if increasingly complex and diverse societies are foredoomed to dysfunction and dissolution because the cultural commonality that is manifest in the totemic principle is hard to find in highly differentiated social systems.
Durkeheim's genius, as manifest in his life-long commitment to finding intrinsically social explanations for a broad range of phenomena that are too often erroneously reduced to psychologisms, is abundantly evident throughout The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. His contribution to sociology as a discipline is enormous and typically under-valued.
As an addendum, it is surprising that Durkheim did not use fundamental concepts such as mechanical solidarity, organic solidarity, and collective consciousness (used once), as well as anomie, egoism, altruism, and fatalism in a large number of perfectly suitable ways throughout The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. Perhaps they were lost in this translation. Their absence works against establishing explicit continuity with his earlier work.
I would frankly recommend this particular edition of Elementary Forms of Religious Life BECAUSE it's abridged. Every time I saw the ellipsis [...] indicating that there had been an editing of Durkheim's torturous prose I breathed a tiny sigh of relief.
That Elementary Forms of Religious Life continues to be relevant today is more a testament to the philosophical introduction and conclusion that place Durkheim squarely in the tradition of Kantian idealist philosophy (actually, squarely opposed to it.) I find Durkheim's argument that Society can only be analyzed in terms of the relationship between people to be compelling. I find Durkheims subsidiary claim that such analysis ought to be composed in scientific terms to be much, much, much less compelling.
Let's face, it the very category of "social sciences" is a joke because you can't perform scientific experiments with society very well. Oh, you can do studies proving the obvious ("Fat people watch more tv.")("Poor children are more likely to commit crimes.") till the cows come home but more often then not you will either be stating the obvious, or just wrong. Durkheim is also methodologically incompetent, choosing to base his observations about indigenous life solely on books that other people wrote. Durkheim wrote an entire book about the religious life of indigenous Australians, but he appears to have never conversed with one.
Durkheim probably bears of much of the blame as anyone for the current state of social "science." Elementary Forms is just as interesting today for the epistemology of early twentieth century social science as it is for anything else, since his observations regarding the underlying human relationships of society have been well and truly observed and expanded upon for the last fifty years.
In terms of his argument, Durkheim likes to lead with an observation made by a so-called specialist, then he likes to establish a dichotomy/opposition and then he will describe both sides, and draw conclusions based on his categories and observations. What he does not do is challenge the technical authorities that he cites, or challenge the idea that religion might not be describable in simple dialectic categories or challenged the idea that you can describe all of world religion based on Australian indigenous religious practices. In fact, at times you get the distinct impression that he wants to say something about Christianity and/or Judaism but he is scared to challenge Christianity directly.
Like Max Weber, the other great early 20th century European sociologist/philosopher, Durkheim is seeking to bring some kind of "scientific" rigor to philosophical/historical type observations of society. It's a move that is grounded in the exponential increase in the need for university professors during that time. It's easy to see how young professors expounding scientific SOUNDING theories about society behaved would have been attractive to those hiring professors and students alike. The 20th century was all about "scientific certainty" and later on, about opposing scientific certainty. Swinging like a pendulum, mirroring the larger recurring philosophical debate between metaphysics and epistemology.
Here, in Elementary Forms of Religious Life, Durkheim actually kind of starts swinging the pendulum, towards the scientific certainty side but at the same time you can see how truly shaky that argument was, right at the beginning. Time has done his position no favors, but he did outline the debate early on. That's why this book is more relevant for someone reading about 20th century philosophy then someone seeking to become a sociologist in the 21st century.









