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The End of the Bronze Age Paperback – December 22, 1995
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The Bronze Age came to a close early in the twelfth century b.c. with one of the worst calamities in history: over a period of several decades, destruction descended upon key cities throughout the Eastern Mediterranean, bringing to an end the Levantine, Hittite, Trojan, and Mycenaean kingdoms and plunging some lands into a dark age that would last more than four hundred years. In his attempt to account for this destruction, Robert Drews rejects the traditional explanations and proposes a military one instead.
- Print length264 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherPrinceton University Press
- Publication dateDecember 22, 1995
- Dimensions6 x 0.6 x 9.25 inches
- ISBN-100691025916
- ISBN-13978-0691025919
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"[Drews] has differentiated between evidence and speculation so that those who will continue to debate the Catastrophe can use the book effectively. What is more important is that he has laid to rest some archaeological factoids which in their turn were based on no more than guesswork."---David W. J. Gill, Bryn Mawr Classical Review
"Unusually sophisticated.... Well argued and learned."---A. M. Snodgrass, The Times Literary Supplement
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- Publisher : Princeton University Press; 6th Print edition (December 22, 1995)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 264 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0691025916
- ISBN-13 : 978-0691025919
- Item Weight : 13 ounces
- Dimensions : 6 x 0.6 x 9.25 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #218,401 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #35 in Prehistory
- #197 in Ancient Greek History (Books)
- #4,723 in Military History (Books)
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So I think we, and the author, must be missing something pretty big. A chariot attack against fixed infantry must have always been a loser. The infantry had bows, too, and, as any shooter will tell you, it is far easier for a man standing on solid ground to hit a moving target than it is for a man in a moving, bumpy, unstable vehicle to hit a standing man. Chariot against chariot fights, however, are duels between equals. Therefore we are missing something.
Prior to the Spanish Conquest, the Mexica of Tenochtitlan waged so-called 'Flowery Wars' against certain enemies like the Tlaxcalteca. The wars were not for conquest but were contests of bravery in which captives--many sliced and wounded--were collected for the important purpose of sacrifice to the Gods. Outright killing of an enemy warrior on the battlefield was undesirable because the Gods required living victims. When the Spanish arrived, with their lethal steel weapons and techniques, the Mexica didn't seem to learn the obvious lesson. They still fought to wound and collect captives. This put the far less numerous Spaniards in a highly positive position. The Spaniards fought to kill, the Mexica didn't. The fight lasted over two years but, if the Mexica changed at all, it was slowly and too little, too late. Warfare, for the Mexica, had become cultural and religious and it was very tough to change.
Is it possible that something like this happened in a large area of the Eastern Mediterranean? Chariots were prestige items and large armies of chariots were REALLY great prestige. This attitude could have spread widely. Is it possible that there was something like a gentleman's convention that chariots would decide the issue--kind of like letting two champions decide the issue of a battle without putting far more warriors at risk?
Following this logic, the ground may have been carefully chosen for a collision of chariots--preferably flat land of suitable size with a minimum of obstacles--maybe some obstacles were actually removed before the fight. Infantry would have been present primarily to make sure that things didn't get totally out of hand. Let the chariots fight it out and let the victorious chariot army decide the issue. Yes, there were losers and there was a price to be had, but basically, for 400 years, there was little change in the basic distribution of power.
But there must have ALWAYS been those--barbarians and non-rule players--who wouldn't respect ancient conventions. Strong infantries were necessary to keep them at arm's length. So what might have changed? Invention of a slashing, stabbing sword? New-fangled armor? Sure. But--remembering the Vikings--what may have really changed was adoption of effective transport, ocean-going vessels, by acquisitive foreigners. After all, Helen's beauty [and the riches of Troy] launched 1,000 ships.
That said, this is one of the most we reasoned and best supported books arguments about the end of the bronze age I have come across. Virtually every assertion the author makes is footnoted, so that you can follow the references, though often these are in German or French (note: with on-line translators available today, this is not so big a problem as it was in the past, if you are really determined to see what is being said in other languages). Basically, the author makes the point that he does indeed know the material that he is dealing with.
Interestingly, he is prepared to turn the "heroic" (or Homeric) tradition of warfare on its head. Rather than the heros we are used to from the Illiad using chariots as "battle taxi's" to get into combat and then fighting man to man, Drews posits the idea that in fact bronze age warfare between established kingdoms was largely a case of hundreds, even thousands, of chariots being used as archery platforms, with small groups of "chariot runners" finishing off crews who are incapcitated. He does a good job of suggesting that in this sort of warfare, massed infantry played little part offensively. The battles between the great kingdoms where won or lost by the chariotry, mass infantry was only of use where chariots could not operate, or in sieges.
While all historians marshal their arguments to make their point, I have to confess that the details that Drews goes into in studying the records of Mycene, Hittites, Egypt and Nuzi, does make for a convincing idea that the chariotry was considered the arm of decision in these kingdoms prior to the end of the bronze age.
Drews then studies the weaponry of the times, and the battle tactics of the "barbarians" (being largely the places we have only archeological records, rather than written records from) and puts forth the conclusion that the weapons they had (small javelins that would have been good for targeting horse teams and slashing swords that would have been more than a match for some of the clubs or short daggers and swords carried by chariot runners) would, in association with offensive infantry tactics provided a recipe that would have overthrown in short time the antiquated military theories of the great kingdoms.
The exception, in the area, he points out, is Assyria, which did have large infantry forces.
Equally telling, is the way that infantry subsequent to the catastophe that saw the end of so many great civilisations, DOES become the main combat arm.
Overall, the book is very readable and very well reasoned. The only cause for four stars instead of five, is, as noted at the outset, the age of the work.
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