When you hear or read a title, you can often guess the main plot of a book. In this case, the guess was only about half right and doubtless why it is still read 3 decades after it was written.
In my case, I've mainly been listening to it as an audio book, but needed the kindle version to dig out a few references. The argument rests on Hegel's theory of a directional history but being written a century and a half later includes many contemporary examples, new insisghts, and critiques and extensions of later theories.
I was surprised to see that both the analysis and the predictions seem to be holding up well--this because the end of history is not really the "end," as many critiques assume, but an institutional setup that is approached asymptotically with many zigs and zags.in his theory. It winds up being a version (or perhaps many) of what 19th century liberals had pushed for--liberal forms of representative democracy with extensive markets.
End of History and the Last Man Reissue Edition, Kindle Edition
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Francis Fukuyama
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978-0743284554
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0743284550
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Editorial Reviews
Review
"Awesome...a landmark...profoundly realistic and important...supremely timely and cogent...the first book to fully fathom the depth and range of the changes now sweeping through the world."
-- George Gilder, The Washington Post Book World
"Bold, lucid, scandalously brilliant. Until now, the triumph of the West was merely a fact. Fukuyama has given it a deep and highly original meaning."
-- Charles Krauthammer
"Clearly written...Immensely ambitious...A tightly argued work of political philosophy...Fukuyama deserves to have his argument taken seriously."
-- William H. McNeill, The New York Times Book Review
"Provocative and elegant...Complex and interesting...Fukuyama is to be applauded for posing important questions in serious and stimulating ways."
-- Ronald Steel, USA Today
"Extraordinary...Controversial...A superb book. Whether or not one accepts his thesis, he has injected serious political philosophy into the discussion of political affairs and thereby significantly enriched it."
-- Mackubin Thomas Owens, The Washington Times
-- George Gilder, The Washington Post Book World
"Bold, lucid, scandalously brilliant. Until now, the triumph of the West was merely a fact. Fukuyama has given it a deep and highly original meaning."
-- Charles Krauthammer
"Clearly written...Immensely ambitious...A tightly argued work of political philosophy...Fukuyama deserves to have his argument taken seriously."
-- William H. McNeill, The New York Times Book Review
"Provocative and elegant...Complex and interesting...Fukuyama is to be applauded for posing important questions in serious and stimulating ways."
-- Ronald Steel, USA Today
"Extraordinary...Controversial...A superb book. Whether or not one accepts his thesis, he has injected serious political philosophy into the discussion of political affairs and thereby significantly enriched it."
-- Mackubin Thomas Owens, The Washington Times
From Publishers Weekly
History is directional, and its endpoint is capitalist liberal democracy, asserts Fukuyama, former U.S. State Department planner. In a broad, ambitious work of political philosophy, he identifies two prime forces that supposedly push all societies toward this evolutionary goal. The first is modern natural science (with its handmaiden, technology), which creates homogenous cultures. The second motor of history (which the author borrows from Hegel) is the desire for recognition, driving innovation and personal achievement. Fukuyama's main worry seems to be whether, in the coming of what he considers a capitalist utopia, we will all become complacently self-absorbed "last men" or instead revert to "first men" engaged in bloody, pointless battles. Several of the countries that he christens capitalist liberal democracies--Turkey, the nations of South America--are in fact either oligarchies or police states, and his contention that liberal democracies do not behave imperialistically flies in the face of world and U.S. history. Nevertheless, this self-congratulatory book will probably be popular and widely discussed, like Fukuyama's 1989 National Interest essay, "The End of History?"
Copyright 1992 Reed Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition.
Copyright 1992 Reed Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition.
From Kirkus Reviews
In 1989, The National Interest published ``The End of History?'' by Fukuyama, then a senior official at the State Department. In that comparatively short but extremely controversial article, Fukuyama speculated that liberal democracy may constitute the ``end point of mankind's ideological evolution'' and hence the ``final form of human government.'' Now Fukuyama has produced a brilliant book that, its title notwithstanding, takes an almost entirely new tack. To begin with, he examines the problem of whether it makes sense to posit a coherent and directional history that would lead the greater part of humanity to liberal democracy. Having answered in the affirmative, he assesses the regulatory effect of modern natural science, a societal activity consensually deemed cumulative as well as directional in its impact. Turning next to a ``second, parallel account of the historical process,'' Fukuyama considers humanity's struggle for recognition, a concept articulated and borrowed (from Plato) by Hegel. In this context, he goes on to reinterpret culture, ethical codes, labor, nationalism, religion, war, and allied phenomena from the past, projecting ways in which the desire for acknowledgement could become manifest in the future. Eventually, the author addresses history's presumptive end and the so-called ``last man,'' an unheroic construct (drawn from Tocqueville and Nietzsche) who has traded prideful belief in individual worth for the civilized comforts of self-preservation. Assuming the prosperity promised by contemporary liberal democracy indeed come to pass, Fukuyama wonders whether or how the side of human personality that thrives on competition, danger, and risk can be fulfilled in the sterile ambiance of a brave new world. At the end, the author leaves tantalizingly open the matter of whether mankind's historical journey is approaching a close or another beginning; he even alludes to the likelihood that time travelers may well strike out in directions yet undreamt. An important work that affords significant returns on the investments of time and attention required to get the most from its elegantly structured theme. -- Copyright ©1991, Kirkus Associates, LP. All rights reserved.
--This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition.
From Library Journal
Fukuyama, then deputy director of the State Department's Policy Planning Staff, first presented this thesis in the foreign policy journal National Interest (Summer 1989), where it attracted worldwide attention. He argues that there is a positive direction to current history, demonstrated by the collapse of authoritarian regimes of right and left and their replacement (in many but not all cases) by liberal governments. "A true global culture has emerged, centering around technologically driven economic growth and the capitalist social relations necessary to produce and sustain it." In the absence of viable alternatives to liberalism, history, conceived of as the clash of political ideologies, is at an end. We face instead the question of how to forge a rational global order that can accommodate humanity's restless desire for recognition without a return to chaos. Fukuyama's views conveniently present the international politics of the present administration. History disappears very early on in the narrative, to be replaced by abstract philosophy. This essay made into a book is pretentious and overblown, though it offers some grounds for speculation. Previewed in Prepub Alert, LJ 9/1/91.
- David Keymer, SUNY Inst. of Technology, Utica
Copyright 1992 Reed Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition.
- David Keymer, SUNY Inst. of Technology, Utica
Copyright 1992 Reed Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition.
About the Author
Francis Fukuyama was born in Chicago in 1952. His work includes America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and the Neoconservative Legacy and After the Neo Cons: Where the Right went Wrong. He now lives in Washington D.C. with his wife and children, where he also works as a part time photographer.
--This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition.
Product details
- ASIN : B003DYGOQO
- Publisher : Free Press; Reissue edition (March 1, 2006)
- Publication date : March 1, 2006
- Language : English
- File size : 2217 KB
- Text-to-Speech : Enabled
- Enhanced typesetting : Enabled
- X-Ray : Not Enabled
- Word Wise : Enabled
- Print length : 466 pages
- Lending : Not Enabled
- Best Sellers Rank: #105,573 in Kindle Store (See Top 100 in Kindle Store)
- Customer Reviews:
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Reviewed in the United States on October 15, 2020
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Reviewed in the United States on January 22, 2021
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Great book, even though Fukuyama's theories have already been contradicted by latest events and political scientists, but overall gives you some good idea of political atmosphere on last decades.
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Reviewed in the United States on March 21, 2020
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Brilliant and comprehensive analysis of the history of mankind and where it is heading. Can’t wait to read all his other books which luckily I have bought copy of each.
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Reviewed in the United States on November 19, 2019
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have to admit I just perused it but I did try - what a bunch cr_p. This is a PURELY academic pursuit. what is the point?
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Reviewed in the United States on August 14, 2016
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Toynbee in his Study of History cautioned that historians should be "chary of forecasting the outcome of the Western civilization's latter-day attempts to devour its contemporaries" (Abridgment of Volumes VII-X, page 20). This advice is, alas, roundly ignored.
Fukuyama is false to claim no other democracy in 1776, though the pretense that the Native American, in particular the Haudenosaunee, do not exist and have no rights nor treaties nor land is certainly one school of thought (and, especially, action) in America. Granted, a participatory democracy with communal ownership would doubtless be as unacceptable to the Western man as was the Iranian democracy they kicked over in 1953.
Now while the spread of the liberal democracy may seem impressive, the 2009 coup in Hondouras and various military hijinks abroad by the one nation that supported said coup raises the question whether graduates of the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation and the military industrial complex Eisenhower warned about represent some final form, or are simply another telling of the Athens trope—democracy at home, empire abroad. More time, as Toynbee indicates, would certainly be in order.
On the economic front, many of the woes of the USSR also apply elsewhere; it is not too difficult in America today to find a hotel, shopping mall, or countryside where "one can find the most abject poverty". Whether abstract principles will suffice to render the rent affordable or reverse the vanishing act of the middle class is an interesting question; Fukuyama is rather optimistic on this point, and appears to hold to the most curious notion of infinite growth on a finite planet. Where are the drawbacks and diminishing returns of flapping with ever increasing acceleration towards the sun?
"none of America's ethnic groups constitutes historical communities living on their traditional lands and speaking their own language, with a memory of past nationhood and sovereignty." How very strange a claim! The Haudenosaunee live on their traditional lands (what is left of them, anyways) and speak their own language and have a past memory of their nationhood and sovereignty. One could weasel out from this falsehood by claiming the Haudenosaunee are a separate nation, which then leaves the awkward fact of America (and Canada) stealing their land and forcing Americaness (or Canadianess) on them.
Science is less cummulative than claimed (and the author seems to mix science and technology?); theories change: in geology neptunism and volcanism were tossed in favor of uniformitarianism tossed in favor of punctuated equilibrium. Global deluge out, tectonics in. Techniques change: tasting chemicals is now frowned upon, and how many slide rules are used in the design of the F-35 fighter? Roles change: there is perhaps a greater demand for environmental geologists than petroleum. And what ever happened to commercial supersonic transport, speaking of accumulation?
As scholars were blind to the fall of the Soviets (which Fukuyama does well document), the claim that "we are now at a point where we cannot imagine a world substantially different from our own" is as blind. Toynbee and others point out that civilizations can rot away from within or fall to ecological challenges, and a failure to imagine a better world is just that, a failure of imagination. Liberal democracies have woes aplenty, and are hardly "free from the contradictions that characterized earlier forms of social organization", given the divide between the Dominant Minority (the 1%) and the Internal Proletariat (the precariat), mounting ecological woes (how fares the Ogallala aquifer?), and the rather rapid consumption of various concentrated energy stores.
A more realistic text with far better predictive value is Huntington's "Clash of Civilizations"; that text better explains such stress points as Turkey, the rise of China, or why America meddles so incessantly in some areas of the world (South America, Africa, and the Middle East) but not others (say, the petro state of Norway).
Fukuyama is false to claim no other democracy in 1776, though the pretense that the Native American, in particular the Haudenosaunee, do not exist and have no rights nor treaties nor land is certainly one school of thought (and, especially, action) in America. Granted, a participatory democracy with communal ownership would doubtless be as unacceptable to the Western man as was the Iranian democracy they kicked over in 1953.
Now while the spread of the liberal democracy may seem impressive, the 2009 coup in Hondouras and various military hijinks abroad by the one nation that supported said coup raises the question whether graduates of the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation and the military industrial complex Eisenhower warned about represent some final form, or are simply another telling of the Athens trope—democracy at home, empire abroad. More time, as Toynbee indicates, would certainly be in order.
On the economic front, many of the woes of the USSR also apply elsewhere; it is not too difficult in America today to find a hotel, shopping mall, or countryside where "one can find the most abject poverty". Whether abstract principles will suffice to render the rent affordable or reverse the vanishing act of the middle class is an interesting question; Fukuyama is rather optimistic on this point, and appears to hold to the most curious notion of infinite growth on a finite planet. Where are the drawbacks and diminishing returns of flapping with ever increasing acceleration towards the sun?
"none of America's ethnic groups constitutes historical communities living on their traditional lands and speaking their own language, with a memory of past nationhood and sovereignty." How very strange a claim! The Haudenosaunee live on their traditional lands (what is left of them, anyways) and speak their own language and have a past memory of their nationhood and sovereignty. One could weasel out from this falsehood by claiming the Haudenosaunee are a separate nation, which then leaves the awkward fact of America (and Canada) stealing their land and forcing Americaness (or Canadianess) on them.
Science is less cummulative than claimed (and the author seems to mix science and technology?); theories change: in geology neptunism and volcanism were tossed in favor of uniformitarianism tossed in favor of punctuated equilibrium. Global deluge out, tectonics in. Techniques change: tasting chemicals is now frowned upon, and how many slide rules are used in the design of the F-35 fighter? Roles change: there is perhaps a greater demand for environmental geologists than petroleum. And what ever happened to commercial supersonic transport, speaking of accumulation?
As scholars were blind to the fall of the Soviets (which Fukuyama does well document), the claim that "we are now at a point where we cannot imagine a world substantially different from our own" is as blind. Toynbee and others point out that civilizations can rot away from within or fall to ecological challenges, and a failure to imagine a better world is just that, a failure of imagination. Liberal democracies have woes aplenty, and are hardly "free from the contradictions that characterized earlier forms of social organization", given the divide between the Dominant Minority (the 1%) and the Internal Proletariat (the precariat), mounting ecological woes (how fares the Ogallala aquifer?), and the rather rapid consumption of various concentrated energy stores.
A more realistic text with far better predictive value is Huntington's "Clash of Civilizations"; that text better explains such stress points as Turkey, the rise of China, or why America meddles so incessantly in some areas of the world (South America, Africa, and the Middle East) but not others (say, the petro state of Norway).
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Reviewed in the United States on June 12, 2007
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I normally dont get down with political philosophy books, but this one really explores some serious ideas while putting them in the context of history. Fukuyama bases almost all of his ideology off of Hegel and Kojeve, a modern Hegel scholar from Czech Republic. I love history yet have found Hegel incomprehensible and too dense to even consider buying one of his tomes - for people who are interested in history or the idea of dialectics, read this book. Fukuyama explains Hegel while placing him in the context of liberal democratic government - Fukuyama follows Kojeve's assertion that this is the end of history because there are no serious competitors to liberal democracy. The fall of communism and the subsequent unveiling of information on the corruption and violence that those regimes inflicted on their own people has led to a more or less universal acceptance of democracy as the preferred form of government. Fukuyama and Kojeve believe that democracy best satisfies man's "desire for recognition" - which leads to man's stupid ideas - mainly war, envy, etc. These aggressive tendencies of man are what cause history and the end of history has been brought about by the acceptance of the governmental form (liberal democracy) which best allows all men the opportunity for recognition. Seriously, this is an insightful, true book full of great intellectual ideas.
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Reviewed in the United States on May 1, 2017
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A deep an interesting analysis, which is still relevant after 25 years. All the processes marked in the book are still happening in front out own eyes.
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Top reviews from other countries
Ricky
3.0 out of 5 stars
The quest for a totalitarian future
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on February 7, 2021Verified Purchase
Francis Fukuyama’s book ‘The End of History and the Last Man’ gives us a blueprint for what has happened to the West since the 1990s.
He argues that with the victory of Western Liberal Democracy, following the Cold War (1945–1991) and the breakup of the Soviet Union (USSR) humanity has reached "not just... the passing of a particular period of post-war history, but the end of history as such: That is, the end-point of mankind's ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government." In the book, he expands on his essay, "The End of History?" (1989). Fukuyama draws upon the ideologies and philosophies of Hegel and Marx. In his opinion, they define human history as a linear progression, from one socio-economic epoch to another.
Far from viewing the USA as the victor, he put forward yet another socialist vision for the West, based on the European Union. He later expanded on his views: “The End of History was never linked to a specifically American model of social or political organization. Following Alexandre Kojeve, the Russian-French philosopher who inspired my original argument, I believe that the European Union more accurately reflects what the world will look like at the end of history than the contemporary United States. The EU's attempt to transcend sovereignty and traditional power politics by establishing a transnational rule of law is much more in line with a "post-historical" world than the Americans' continuing belief in God, national sovereignty and their military.”
This view has dominated the Western governments since the nineties. Yet more recently, the European Union has been shown to be little more than a utopian dream, with Britain voting to leave it in 2016. However, many people continue to wish to remain in this dream, despite it being riddled with so many obvious flaws. The wish that the EU would be the model for a better future for all mankind, lies in shambles, yet another failed socialist project.
My three-star rating is based on his envisioning a totalitarian future for humankind. That is a supranational world government rather than intergovernmental cooperation between nation states.
He argues that with the victory of Western Liberal Democracy, following the Cold War (1945–1991) and the breakup of the Soviet Union (USSR) humanity has reached "not just... the passing of a particular period of post-war history, but the end of history as such: That is, the end-point of mankind's ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government." In the book, he expands on his essay, "The End of History?" (1989). Fukuyama draws upon the ideologies and philosophies of Hegel and Marx. In his opinion, they define human history as a linear progression, from one socio-economic epoch to another.
Far from viewing the USA as the victor, he put forward yet another socialist vision for the West, based on the European Union. He later expanded on his views: “The End of History was never linked to a specifically American model of social or political organization. Following Alexandre Kojeve, the Russian-French philosopher who inspired my original argument, I believe that the European Union more accurately reflects what the world will look like at the end of history than the contemporary United States. The EU's attempt to transcend sovereignty and traditional power politics by establishing a transnational rule of law is much more in line with a "post-historical" world than the Americans' continuing belief in God, national sovereignty and their military.”
This view has dominated the Western governments since the nineties. Yet more recently, the European Union has been shown to be little more than a utopian dream, with Britain voting to leave it in 2016. However, many people continue to wish to remain in this dream, despite it being riddled with so many obvious flaws. The wish that the EU would be the model for a better future for all mankind, lies in shambles, yet another failed socialist project.
My three-star rating is based on his envisioning a totalitarian future for humankind. That is a supranational world government rather than intergovernmental cooperation between nation states.
3 people found this helpful
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TS
1.0 out of 5 stars
ridiculously tiny font, poor print quality, poor paper quality
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on October 21, 2019Verified Purchase
will order hardback or ebook instead.
7 people found this helpful
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Sajad Jiyad
4.0 out of 5 stars
I may not agree but it's still a good book
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on February 10, 2013Verified Purchase
Fukuyama writes very well, he engages you right from the beginning and takes you on a mesmerising journey that includes tables, figures, stats, quotes, everything he needs to posit his theory of American democracy being the solution for all the world's ills. And while reading it you find yourself slowly being convinced and taking note of the various catchy statements he makes at the end of each chapter. However when you finish the book and realise its 2013 and not 1989/1992 you will see the flaws in the argument and how far away we actually are from the End of History. I liked it though and I'm sure there are plenty in the US administration who believe this theory may actually be correct and have desires on implementing it.
8 people found this helpful
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Amazon Customer
5.0 out of 5 stars
I totally disagree with this as I am an old ...
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on February 21, 2015Verified Purchase
I totally disagree with this as I am an old socialist but the guy is persuasive and lucid on the merits of a Hegelian reading of historical development - readable, provocative and influential - highly recommened.
12 people found this helpful
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Tony Lord
5.0 out of 5 stars
Still relevant !
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on April 9, 2014Verified Purchase
Even if you don't agree with all of Fukuyama's opinions (or even any) one has to admire some of his insights and the clarity of his expression.
Capitalism should, of course, never be confused with Democracy - but as the author points out both ideals seem to be the most compatable with human nature, therefore the dominant ideologies... for now!
The end of History ? No THE text pointing us to a new era - definately!!
A must read for anyone with a wish to broaden their political, philosophical or historical horizons and frankly who doesn't!?
Capitalism should, of course, never be confused with Democracy - but as the author points out both ideals seem to be the most compatable with human nature, therefore the dominant ideologies... for now!
The end of History ? No THE text pointing us to a new era - definately!!
A must read for anyone with a wish to broaden their political, philosophical or historical horizons and frankly who doesn't!?
2 people found this helpful
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