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New Evidence of Trotsky's Conspiracy Paperback – May 3, 2020
by
Grover C Furr
(Author)
Enhance your purchase
This book is a study of Soviet-era documents, recently declassified, that bear on Leon Trotsky and his conspiracies against the Soviet government and Party during the 1930s. These documents are: Yuri Piatakov’s statement to Nikolai Ezhov, chief of the NKVD, of December 1920, 1936; the transcript of the trial of Marshal Mikhail N. Tukhachevsky and seven accomplices of June 11, 1937; and a collection of investigative materials from the former NKVD archive concerning the First and Second Moscow Trials of August, 1936, and January, 1937. The third set of documents are from the two volume work "Politbiuro i Lev Trotskii (sbornik dokumentov), 1923-1940," edited by Oleg V. Mozokhin and published in 2013 in Prague, Czechoslovakia, by Sociosféra-CZ. This two-volume work is essentially unobtainable.
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Print length264 pages
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LanguageEnglish
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Publication dateMay 3, 2020
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Dimensions6 x 0.66 x 9 inches
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ISBN-100578649764
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ISBN-13978-0578649764
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Product details
- Publisher : Erythros Press & Media (May 3, 2020)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 264 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0578649764
- ISBN-13 : 978-0578649764
- Item Weight : 1.02 pounds
- Dimensions : 6 x 0.66 x 9 inches
-
Best Sellers Rank:
#1,891,846 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #86,835 in Politics & Government (Books)
- #240,696 in History (Books)
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4.8 out of 5
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Reviewed in the United States on October 4, 2020
Verified Purchase
I've followed Grover Furr's contributions to the Stalin/Trotsky debate ever since he wrote "Khrushchev Lied" back in 2011. He has introduced pretty compelling evidence that the Trotskyists and former Trotskyists found guilty in the famous Moscow Trials of the late 30s did, in fact, continue to collaborate secretly with Trotsky and his followers in other countries while claiming they had broken with Trotsky's group. OK - but Furr seems to take every piece of evidence entered against the defendants as true, and the evidence presented by Trotsky and his followers as erroneous or forged. He refuses to allow that possibly some of the defendants may have confessed because their families were threatened, or because of long periods of deprivation in wet, freezing cells. His answer: no evidence to support those theories. Yet other prisoners who managed to survive and/or escape from the Soviet Union have testified that indeed they were presented with demands for confessions with promises to improve their prison conditions, allow their families to be left free, etc. - so why can we not suppose the executed defendants likewise were faced with these promises and threats? Furr's books are informative but one cannot necessarily agree with all his conclusions.
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Top reviews from other countries
William Podmore
5.0 out of 5 stars
Superb analysis of Trotsky's attempted coup
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on June 12, 2020Verified Purchase
This book is a study of recently declassified documents that bear on Leon Trotsky and his conspiracies against the Soviet government during the 1930s. They are Yuri Piatakov’s statement of 19-20 December 1936, the transcript of the trial of Marshal Mikhail Tukhachevsky and seven accomplices of 11 June 1937 (published quietly in 2018), and Politbiuro I Lev Trotskii, Tom 2, published in Prague in 2013, a collection of investigative materials from the former Soviet archives concerning the Moscow Trials of August 1936 and January 1937.
The information in these documents is more evidence that Trotsky had conspiratorial relations with Nazi Germany and fascist Japan. It corroborates the large body of other evidence of his conspiracies with the fascist powers.
The documents in Politbiuro I Lev Trotskii provide “even stronger evidence that the testimony of the defendants in the Moscow Trials is genuine – that is, not forced upon the defendants by the Prosecution or the OGPU-NKVD interrogators. We should consider the contents of the confessions to be truthful unless we have evidence to the contrary.” As Furr writes, “Materialists decide questions of truth or falsehood on the basis of primary source evidence and solid, objective reasoning.”
The documents show that “the pretrial interrogations in the 1936 and 1937 Moscow Trials were not ‘fabricated’ in any way by the NKVD, were not forced upon the defendants. Instead, all the evidence we now have supports the hypothesis that these trials were genuine, in that the Prosecution believed the charges they brought against the defendants, while the defendants testified what they wanted to testify.”
For example, in the 1936 trial Smirnov, the leader of the clandestine Trotskyist group in the USSR.
claimed that “… I did not officially resign from the [Opposition] bloc, but actually I did no work.” Furr comments, “There would be no reason for the prosecution to ‘force’ Smirnov to deny that he had continued to lead the underground Trotskyists. If the prosecution were ‘forcing’ confessions at all, they would have forced Smirnov to say that he had indeed continued to lead the underground Trotskyists.”
The same documents reveal that on 29 April 1936 Mikhail Georgievich Saf’ianov testified that in late 1935, “Shemelev set before us in the most frank manner the question of the transition to terrorist forms of struggle against the leadership of the VKP(b) and in the first place against Stalin … He said that this directive came from I. N. Smirnov, who was a supporter of terrorist means of removing Stalin.” Shemelev had recruited Saf’ianov to the Trotskyist group in 1933.
Jules Humbert-Droz, a close associate of Bukharin’s in the 1920s, revealed in his 1971 memoirs that Bukharin and some of his supporters were conspiring to murder Stalin as early as 1928.
Trotskyists are convinced that Stalin was a counter-revolutionary leading the Soviet Union to restoring capitalism, yet some still try to deny that Trotskyists would therefore seek to overthrow him by any means necessary. As Trotsky said, “in this struggle all means are good and every ally is useful.”
Furr writes, “Trotsky and the clandestine Oppositionists were relying upon the social stresses of collectivization and industrialization to somehow cause the Stalin regime’s collapse. When this did not occur they fell back upon force: plans for a coup d’état with attendant murders of Stalin and his highest associates, coupled with defeatism and sabotage in favor of the invader in the war with one or more capitalist states which they were sure would break out sooner rather than later.”
In 1939 Trotsky published four articles urging independence for the Ukraine. All the Ukrainian organisations calling for Ukraine’s independence were far-right and pro-German. So, as Furr sums up, “any independence for the Ukraine would mean a pro-Nazi, intensely anticommunist and anti-working class state, a base for Hitler. Therefore it seems likely that these articles constituted a covert message to the Germans that, despite the setbacks suffered by his Soviet-based supporters, Trotsky remained ready to concede Ukraine to Germany in case of war.”
If the Soviet Union was not socialist, then any war involving it could only be ‘inter-imperialist’ and Trotskyists believed that in such a war the correct policy must be defeatist. So, Trotskyists called World War Two an imperialist war, and Trotskyists in the Soviet Union called for Stalin to be overthrown, those in Britain called for the Churchill government to be ousted, and those in the USA called for Roosevelt to be ousted.
Cui bono? In the Soviet Union, the Trotskyist Opposition; in Britain, the appeasers; in the USA, the isolationists. Of course, the greatest beneficiaries would have been Hitler, Mussolini and Tojo.
The information in these documents is more evidence that Trotsky had conspiratorial relations with Nazi Germany and fascist Japan. It corroborates the large body of other evidence of his conspiracies with the fascist powers.
The documents in Politbiuro I Lev Trotskii provide “even stronger evidence that the testimony of the defendants in the Moscow Trials is genuine – that is, not forced upon the defendants by the Prosecution or the OGPU-NKVD interrogators. We should consider the contents of the confessions to be truthful unless we have evidence to the contrary.” As Furr writes, “Materialists decide questions of truth or falsehood on the basis of primary source evidence and solid, objective reasoning.”
The documents show that “the pretrial interrogations in the 1936 and 1937 Moscow Trials were not ‘fabricated’ in any way by the NKVD, were not forced upon the defendants. Instead, all the evidence we now have supports the hypothesis that these trials were genuine, in that the Prosecution believed the charges they brought against the defendants, while the defendants testified what they wanted to testify.”
For example, in the 1936 trial Smirnov, the leader of the clandestine Trotskyist group in the USSR.
claimed that “… I did not officially resign from the [Opposition] bloc, but actually I did no work.” Furr comments, “There would be no reason for the prosecution to ‘force’ Smirnov to deny that he had continued to lead the underground Trotskyists. If the prosecution were ‘forcing’ confessions at all, they would have forced Smirnov to say that he had indeed continued to lead the underground Trotskyists.”
The same documents reveal that on 29 April 1936 Mikhail Georgievich Saf’ianov testified that in late 1935, “Shemelev set before us in the most frank manner the question of the transition to terrorist forms of struggle against the leadership of the VKP(b) and in the first place against Stalin … He said that this directive came from I. N. Smirnov, who was a supporter of terrorist means of removing Stalin.” Shemelev had recruited Saf’ianov to the Trotskyist group in 1933.
Jules Humbert-Droz, a close associate of Bukharin’s in the 1920s, revealed in his 1971 memoirs that Bukharin and some of his supporters were conspiring to murder Stalin as early as 1928.
Trotskyists are convinced that Stalin was a counter-revolutionary leading the Soviet Union to restoring capitalism, yet some still try to deny that Trotskyists would therefore seek to overthrow him by any means necessary. As Trotsky said, “in this struggle all means are good and every ally is useful.”
Furr writes, “Trotsky and the clandestine Oppositionists were relying upon the social stresses of collectivization and industrialization to somehow cause the Stalin regime’s collapse. When this did not occur they fell back upon force: plans for a coup d’état with attendant murders of Stalin and his highest associates, coupled with defeatism and sabotage in favor of the invader in the war with one or more capitalist states which they were sure would break out sooner rather than later.”
In 1939 Trotsky published four articles urging independence for the Ukraine. All the Ukrainian organisations calling for Ukraine’s independence were far-right and pro-German. So, as Furr sums up, “any independence for the Ukraine would mean a pro-Nazi, intensely anticommunist and anti-working class state, a base for Hitler. Therefore it seems likely that these articles constituted a covert message to the Germans that, despite the setbacks suffered by his Soviet-based supporters, Trotsky remained ready to concede Ukraine to Germany in case of war.”
If the Soviet Union was not socialist, then any war involving it could only be ‘inter-imperialist’ and Trotskyists believed that in such a war the correct policy must be defeatist. So, Trotskyists called World War Two an imperialist war, and Trotskyists in the Soviet Union called for Stalin to be overthrown, those in Britain called for the Churchill government to be ousted, and those in the USA called for Roosevelt to be ousted.
Cui bono? In the Soviet Union, the Trotskyist Opposition; in Britain, the appeasers; in the USA, the isolationists. Of course, the greatest beneficiaries would have been Hitler, Mussolini and Tojo.
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J.Davies
5.0 out of 5 stars
Objectively written, excellent book
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on February 17, 2021Verified Purchase
Excellently written book. The author does not rely on intimidation through indeterminate intertextual citation, but rather provides the reader with substantial excerpts from primary source documents, rather than fragments that can be taken out of context to fit with a preconceived view. This is unusual in a book such as this, as it affords the reader the chance to draw their own conclusions.
This book, as well as other works by the same author, deserve to be widely read by anyone who seeks a better understanding of the Soviet period.
This book, as well as other works by the same author, deserve to be widely read by anyone who seeks a better understanding of the Soviet period.
2 people found this helpful
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lennart odström
5.0 out of 5 stars
Trotskyietes lies
Reviewed in Spain on September 10, 2020Verified Purchase
Furr is one of few trying to present the truth about Trotsky and his decipels.
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