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Failed States: The Abuse of Power and the Assault on Democracy (American Empire Project) Paperback – January 1, 2007
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"It's hard to imagine any American reading this book and not seeing his country in a new, and deeply troubling, light."―The New York Times Book Review
The United States has repeatedly asserted its right to intervene militarily against "failed states" around the globe. In this much-anticipated follow-up to his international bestseller Hegemony or Survival, Noam Chomsky turns the tables, showing how the United States itself shares features with other failed states―suffering from a severe "democratic deficit," eschewing domestic and international law, and adopting policies that increasingly endanger its own citizens and the world. Exploring the latest developments in U.S. foreign and domestic policy, Chomsky reveals Washington's plans to further militarize the planet, greatly increasing the risks of nuclear war. He also assesses the dangerous consequences of the occupation of Iraq; documents Washington's self-exemption from international norms, including the Geneva conventions and the Kyoto Protocol; and examines how the U.S. electoral system is designed to eliminate genuine political alternatives, impeding any meaningful democracy.
Forceful, lucid, and meticulously documented, Failed States offers a comprehensive analysis of a global superpower that has long claimed the right to reshape other nations while its own democratic institutions are in severe crisis. Systematically dismantling the United States' pretense of being the world's arbiter of democracy, Failed States is Chomsky's most focused―and urgent―critique to date.
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About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
The selection of issues that should rank high on the agenda of concern for human welfare and rights is, naturally, a subjective matter. But there are a few choices that seem unavoidable, because they bear so directly on the prospects for decent survival. Among them are at least these three: nuclear war, environmental disaster, and the fact that the government of the world's leading power is acting in ways that increase the likelihood of these catastrophes. It is important to stress the government, because the population, not surprisingly, does not agree. That brings up a fourth issue that should deeply concern Americans, and the world: the sharp divide between public opinion and public policy, one of the reasons for the fear, which cannot casually be put aside, that "the American 'system' as a whole is in real trouble--that it is heading in a direction that spells the end of its historic values [of] equality, liberty, and meaningful democracy."1
The "system" is coming to have some of the features of failed states, to adopt a currently fashionable notion that is conventionally applied to states regarded as potential threats to our security (like Iraq) or as needing our intervention to rescue the population from severe internal threats (like Haiti). Though the concept is recognized to be "frustratingly imprecise," some of the primary characteristics of failed states can be identified. One is their inability or unwillingness to protect their citizens from violence and perhaps even destruction. Another is their tendency to regard themselves as beyond the reach of domestic or international law, and hence free to carry out aggression and violence. And if they have democratic forms, they suffer from a serious "democratic deficit" that deprives their formal democratic institutions of real substance.2
Among the hardest tasks that anyone can undertake, and one of the most important, is to look honestly in the mirror. If we allow ourselves to do so, we should have little difficulty in finding the characteristics of "failed states" right at home. That recognition of reality should be deeply troubling to those who care about their countries and future generations. "Countries," plural, because of the enormous reach of US power, but also because the threats are not localized in space or time.
The first half of this book is devoted mostly to the increasing threat of destruction caused by US state power, in violation of international law, a topic of particular concern for citizens of the world dominant power, however one assesses the relevant threats. The second half is concerned primarily with democratic institutions, how they are conceived in the elite culture and how they perform in reality, both in "promoting democracy" abroad and shaping it at home.
The issues are closely interlinked, and arise in several contexts. In discussing them, to save excessive footnoting I will omit sources when they can easily be found in recent books of mine.3
Copyright © 2006 by Harry Chomsky, as Trustee of Chomsky Grandchildren Nominee Trust
Product details
- Language : English
- ISBN-10 : 0805082840
- Product Dimensions : 5.5 x 1.2 x 8.25 inches; 9.92 Ounces
- Publication date : April 3, 2007
- Publisher : Holt Paperbacks; First Edition edition
- ISBN-13 : 978-0805082845
- Release date : April 3, 2007
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,275,785 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #1,519 in Democracy (Books)
- #2,234 in Artist & Architect Biographies
- #5,115 in History & Theory of Politics
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About the author

Avram Noam Chomsky (/ˈnoʊm ˈtʃɒmski/; born December 7, 1928) is an American linguist, philosopher, cognitive scientist, historian, logician, social critic, and political activist. Sometimes described as "the father of modern linguistics", Chomsky is also a major figure in analytic philosophy, and one of the founders of the field of cognitive science. He has spent more than half a century at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), where he is Institute Professor Emeritus, and is the author of over 100 books on topics such as linguistics, war, politics, and mass media. Ideologically, he aligns with anarcho-syndicalism and libertarian socialism.
Bio from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Photo by https://www.flickr.com/photos/culturaargentina [CC BY-SA 2.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/2.0)], via Wikimedia Commons.
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The author is the guru of the political left, but since he has a scientific background he has attracted the attention of many readers who view themselves as being in the center of the political spectrum. He therefore has a wide audience, which would be even larger if he would not place so much trust in mainstream newspaper publications. The author incessantly speaks of the press as being the tool of the elite and as being an ally to government propaganda. However he references their articles without restraint, as if they were an authority on the events that they presume to cover. It is quite easy, even fashionable, to sit in an armchair and summarize what has been written in popular newspapers. It is quite another thing to get information from other sources that can act as a balance and countercheck. This is extremely difficult to do, even if you are "on the ground" in the geographical area of interest. In addition, the author should remember that he too is a member of society, and therefore is subject to the same biases and media pressures that everyone else is. He does not have an apodictic certainty about the events and history that he writes about. To refer to the "populace" as being something outside of oneself, and subjected to misleading doctrines beyond their control, is not justified or even fruitful for objective analysis.
The main goal of this book of course is to elaborate on the notion of a failed state, which as the author remarks, is a state that as a first requirement must be a potential threat to the security of the United States. Another requirement is that a failed state have a "deficit in democracy'. Still another is that it views itself as being outside the constraints of international law. And the author claims, perhaps without surprise, that the United States satisfies these requirements. This is a deep irony indeed, if one holds that the majority of Americans do in fact believe that they are "above it all" and are incapable of engaging in self-criticism.
The author asks the reader to look in the mirror and honestly assess whether the United States is approaching the status of a failed state. He offers a lot of evidence supporting this view throughout the book. But he also imputes intentions to government officials that would be difficult to verify. This mistake is a consequence of some of the vague, floating abstractions that sometimes arise in the book. The problem with abstraction and generalization is that it can sometimes lead to conceptual tyranny: it does not allow the classification of events or individuals outside of its borders, or even sometimes insists there are no borders. A good example of this is the author's insistence that moral truth must conform to the `principle of universality'. This he accepts without critical analysis, possibly because the abandoning of it would weaken his case on the inherent hypocrisy of American society. Indeed, abandoning this principle would allow the view of American culture as having some kind of "special status" and would leave open the possibility of its citizens being allowed to do as they please to other peoples of the world.
In general though the book is interesting reading and thought provoking, and encourages the reader to seek out more information on a particular topic. This is particularly true in the author's discussion on Israel, which is a country that is typically viewed by many in the Unites States as being benign or even heroic. The author though presents a view of Israel that is certainly a strong intellectual perturbation to this generally received view. His view of Israel is not a popular one, and if one repeats it in certain circles it will certainly raise an eyebrow, or even instigate retaliation and violence.
American society is deeply introspective but not self-critical. If this book can induce more healthy criticism it has done its job. If it merely preaches to the choir it has failed. It would be wrong to characterize American society as a failed state due to the actions of its government therefore. A good state is one where its citizens concern themselves with what is right and just, and act accordingly. A failed state is one whose citizens are pliant and easily manipulated. American society seems to be struggling with the idea of freedom and democracy, which is a supreme irony considering its history. The pragmatism of its citizens will no doubt win over the immoralities and criminal acts of its government.
By questioning the goal of U.S. global hegemony Chomsky is questioning the core of American foreign and domestic policy. From manifest destiny and the eradication of indigenous American Indians to the annexation of Florida and Texas and on to Truman, Wilson, Kennedy, Clinton and Bush II, the United States has always reserved the right to protect its interests and extend its influence. Time and time again the United States has shown a disinterest in the institution of Democracy including the latest cheerleader of Democracy, George W. Bush. The U.S. has fought against Democracy in Chili, Venezuela, El Salvador, Iran, Uzbekistan, Brazil and on and on. Even when encouraging free elections in other countries the U.S. has often shoveled millions to sway votes generally towards right wing candidates but definitely towards those who are sympathetic to U.S. interests. Even more frightening is the way in which Democracy has been eroded within the United States. Election campaigns increasingly resemble expensive marketing campaigns with the electorate voting more on product branding than policy stances. In 2004, Bush voters were particularly egregious in their ignorance of what their favored candidate even stood for. Meanwhile Congress has become increasingly tone deaf to the wishes of all but the wealthiest of constituents. Mr. Chomsky wrote that Congress was being set up to resemble a "virtual Senate of investors and lenders who can exercise `veto power' over government decisions by threats of capital flight, attack on currency and other means".
Noam Chomsky is often held up as an anti-American American and a `blame America first' liberal. Instead he is someone who has elevated his discourse beyond nationalism and lobbies for a better world not simply a better United States. Mr. Chomsky questions whether or not our American system of morality and justice ends at our borders? Is it right for the U.S. to ignore international laws and treaties while holding other countries to them? Is it better to deal in good faith on the world stage or ruthlessly pursue our own self interests? Was Niccolo Machivelli correct when he said, `it is far safer to be feared than loved'? The one part where Mr. Chomsky lost me was in the chapter on the Israeli/Palestinian problem. I think that the author took a stance that was as absurdly pro-Palestinian as those who believe that Israel is without fault. The truth is somewhere in the middle. This book will undoubtedly infuriate the `my country right or wrong' crowd but in an era of increasing interconnectiveness between nations and peoples it really is time to put aside aggressive nationalism.
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Hazrat Chomsky is very popular with Pakistani literati and for good reason, as he presents the other aspects of the momentous world events which together makes the story somewhat complete.
Consider the very obvious and rational argument, the top nation of the world, número uno country of the world, the mighty USA, misbehaving, openly flaunting, imperiously rejecting all international laws it expects rogue and terrorist nations of the world to follow. Trouble is, USA and its foreign policies are the main reason why countries like North Korea and Iran are in their current state, as every country in the world will consciously or subconsciously follow the leader, copying its every move and behaviours. Unfortunately for the world, USA will not change, why should it? Why change a strategy which has got it at the top slot. All the world has to do now is wait for an able contender for the throne. In the meantime writers like Chomsky will have a field day arguing to their lefty brothers. The book makes completing reading though.
Check for yourself.....
'International court jurisdiction has proven inappropriate for the United States.' Condoleeza Rice 2005.
International law and court judgments are fine, but only when they come out the right way. Anything else is inappropriate for the United States.
Why are the US nuclear facilities not open to IAEA like Iraq and Iran?
The US has the right to attack any country that it thinks could attack it first.
The logic of the annexation of Texas was essentially attributed to Saddam Hussain when he conquered Kuwait.
A large majority of US public believe that the US should accept the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the World Court, sign the Kyoto protocols, allow the United Nations to take the lead in international crises, and rely on diplomatic and economic measures more than military ones in the 'war on terror'. ( A large scale survey conducted in the US by independent bodies).
"Failed States", with a sub-heading of "The Abuse of Power and the Assault of Democracy", seems to hint at other countries, e.g. the Middle East, Central America or Eastern Europe. It is the United States.
In part one, he deals with ways in which the United States state power is used in in violation of international law. In part two, he looks at ways in which democracy functions and examines ways in which the United States political system is not functioning democratically.
To many, Chomsky has become a loose-cannon, firing off randomly but consistently at a great national superpower attempting to bring freedom and democracy to other nations of the world; to others, he is a unique voice arguing rationally from a deeply intellectual,scholarly and well-researched position against an aggressive and overtly imperialist world power.
A "marmite" character though he may be, over many years he has been a consistent, thoughtful critic who cannot be ignored.
Troy Parfitt is the author of Why China Will Never Rule the World
Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely. This book will give some guidance as to what ‘absolutely’ means.
Anyone wishing to understand the effect of political power on the human mind, should read this book. It shows that the human mind is incapable of being trained to cope with political power.
Like all the other Chomsky books I’ve read, it’s written for academic intellectuals. The academic language used, makes reading by the general public, like wading knee deep though treacle. It’s worth the effort to catch the bits you can understand. You just don’t come across this info anywhere else.
Great book... when is this author going to write for the general public?









