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Faithless Execution: Building the Political Case for Obama s Impeachment Hardcover – June 3, 2014
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The authors of the Constitution saw practical reasons to place awesome powers in a single chief executive, who could act quickly and decisively in times of peril. Yet they well understood that unchecked power in one person’s hands posed a serious threat to liberty, the defining American imperative. Much of the debate at the Philadelphia convention therefore centered on how to stop a rogue executive who became a law unto himself.
The Framers vested Congress with two checks on presidential excess: the power of the purse and the power of impeachment. They are potent remedies, and there are no others.
It is a straightforward matter to establish that President Obama has committed high crimes and misdemeanors,” a term signifying maladministration and abuses of power by holders of high public trust. But making the legal case is insufficient for successful impeachment, leading to removal from office. Impeachment is a political matter and hinges on public opinion.
In Faithless Execution, McCarthy weighs the political dynamics as he builds a case, assembling a litany of abuses that add up to one overarching offense: the president’s willful violation of his solemn oath to execute the laws faithfully. The fundamental transformation” he promised involves concentrating power into his own hands by flouting lawstatutes, judicial rulings, the Constitution itselfand essentially daring the other branches of government to stop him. McCarthy contends that our elected representative are duty-bound to take up the dare.
What are High Crimes and Misdemeanors”?
Impeachment is rare in American historyand for good reason. As the ultimate remedy against abuse of executive power, it is politically convulsive. And yet, as the Framers understood, it is a necessary protection if the rule of law is to be maintained.
But what are impeachable offenses? There is widespread confusion among the American people about the answer to this question.
Article II of the Constitution lists treason and bribery, along with other high crimes and misdemeanors as the standard for impeachment. Despite what crimes” and misdemeanors” connote, the concept has precious little to do with violations of a penal code. Rather, it is about betrayal of the political trust reposed in the president to execute the laws faithfully and preserve, protect and defend” our constitutional system, as his oath of office requires.
At the constitutional convention in 1787, the delegates concurred that the high crimes and misdemeanors” standard captured the many great and dangerous offenses” involving malfeasance, incompetence, and severe derelictions of duty that could undermine the constitutional order.
The Framers were clear that high crimes and misdemeanors” involved misconduct that did not necessarily break penal laws; it might not even be considered criminal if committed by a civilian. It would apply strictly to the misconduct of public men or the abuse or violation of public trust,” as Alexander Hamilton put it. High crimes and misdemeanors” are of a purely political nature as they relate to injuries done immediately to the society itself.”
To be clear, high crimes and misdemeanors” is not a standard conceived for normal law enforcement. It applies instead to oath, honor, and trustnotions that are more demanding of public officials than the black and white prohibitions of criminal law.
While the standard is high-minded it is not an abstraction. The Framers were very clear: betrayals of the constitutional order, dishonesty in the executive’s dealing with Congress, and concealment of dealings with foreign powers that could be injurious to the American people were among the most grievous, and impeachable, high crimes and misdemeanors.
Above all, the Framers had in view the president’s oath of allegiance to our system of government, a system in which the president’s highest duty is faithful execution of the laws. The mere attempt to subvert the constitution would be a breach of trust that warranted impeachment and removal.
A free country requires the rule of law. But the rule of law is a sham if lawlessness is rampant among those who govern. This was the deep political truth that the Framers of this country recognized in the providing for the impeachment of an errant executive. It is a truth that we ignore at our peril.
Faithless Execution Author Q&A
You are a well-known conservative commentator how would you answer the accusation that Faithless Execution is just a partisan stunt?
McCarthy: Well, conservative’ does not mean Republican’in fact, the book is not very flattering when it comes to GOP fecklessness in the face of the president’s lawlessness. But the main point is: Faithless Execution argues against partisan hackery. I analyze the legal case for impeachment as a former prosecutor who would not go to court without a sufficient case. And as far as the politics goes, I argue that, despite the sizable majority Republicans hold in the House, articles of impeachment should not be filed unless and until there is a strong public will to remove the president from powerone that transcends party lines.
Many Republicans say an effort to impeach Barack Obama is political suicide for the Republican Party. How do you respond to this?
McCarthy: The failure to pursue impeachment is likely to be suicide for the country, which is much more important than the political fate of the Republican Party. But, again, making the case for impeachmentwhich would probably help not only Republicans but any elected official who defends our constitutional frameworkis not the same as moving forward with articles of impeachment, which should not happen absent public support.
How does the case for Barack Obama’s impeachment compare to the campaigns to impeach Nixon and Clinton?
McCarthy: Obama’s presidency is a willful, systematic attack on the constitutional system of separation of powers, an enterprise that aims to bring about a new regime of government by executive decree. This is exactly the kind of subversion the Framers designed the impeachment power to address. The Nixon and Clinton episodes involved misconduct that did not aim to undermine our constitutional framework.
You describe impeachment as a political and not a legal remedy. What’s the distinction?
McCarthy: Legally speaking, a president may be impeached for a single offense that qualifies as high crimes and misdemeanors”a breach of the profound public trust vested in the president, a violation of his constitutional duty to execute the laws faithfully. But real impeachment requires the public will to remove the president from office. You can have a thousand impeachable offenses, but without that political consensus, impeachment is not an appropriate remedy.
- Print length248 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherEncounter Books
- Publication dateJune 3, 2014
- Dimensions6.25 x 1 x 9.25 inches
- ISBN-109781594037764
- ISBN-13978-1594037764
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Product details
- ASIN : 1594037760
- Publisher : Encounter Books; Edition Unstated (June 3, 2014)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 248 pages
- ISBN-10 : 9781594037764
- ISBN-13 : 978-1594037764
- Item Weight : 1.12 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.25 x 1 x 9.25 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,244,793 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #1,378 in United States Executive Government
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How, for instance, is he going to convince an increasingly Hispanic electorate about the virtue of enforcing laws that frustrate personal and familial aspirations of Hispanics? That is the political issue, regardless of the legal analysis that a President lacks the prerogative to abandon the enforcement of those laws. Or, for another instance, which non-Republican Senators could somehow be induced to vote to remove Obama in the final two years of his term and by what means of persuasion? Not addressed at all.
Also, a good chunk of the events he complains about occurred and were well-known prior to the 2012 election. He doesn't try to explain how large numbers of people who voted to re-elect this President in 2012 knowing about them can be induced to become outraged about them two or more years later.
The cold-blooded political fact, even after reading this book, is that when a party wins the White House and has enough Senators, only smoking gun evidence of dereliction of duty so extreme that it is indefensible by anyone up for re-election is going to put a President at risk of removal. The way our judicial system works, although a private party can complain about individualized harm suffered from being the target of un-Constitutional governmental action, there is no legal path to force the executive branch to live up to its Constitutional function to carry out laws faithfully. So the elite political operatives within each party have figured out they can get away with violating the Constitution as long as they keep a large enough bloc of voters happy and manage to elude high-level judicial review (which gets a lot easier if you have a Senate majority to control the judicial appointment process!).
The best I could say about the book's aspirations in regard to the political process is that it may serve to enrage enough voters to turn out and vote for the opposition in 2014, in which case, even though they are not likely to remove anyone from office, they will at least serve as a check of some measure on the disregard of the Constitution we have seen the past several years and in particular should be able to limit the appointment of judges inclined to indulge it.
I would recommend this book for several reasons.
1.) The book gives a written timeline of what has been happening in D.C.
2.) Lays out the law and clearly states why this President should be Impeached.
3.) As I have stated clearly to others in the past, the reason he has not been impeached yet has to do with race relations in this country. Fear of being labeled a racist. How far backward we have moved, truly sad to me..
First I’d like to draw my fellow readers to page 34 which reads a quote from Mason. From the book “ Mason fixed on betrayal of the president’s fiduciary duty and oath of allegiance to our system of government, say that “attempts to subvert the Constitution” would be chief among the “many great and dangerous offences” beyond treason and bribery for which removal of the president would be warranted. It is noteworthy for our purposes that the Framers regarded the mere attempt to subvert the Constitution, whether successful or not, as a sufficiently heinous breach of trust to warrant removal by impeachment.” End of quote from the book.
I was very impressed with the layout and factual information in this book. In fact so much so, I’m making a note on the inside for future generations of my family to read. They will have a look back and see in my own words what I thought about the current events.
Further attention too pages 46 middle paragraph, pages 70 & 71 with special attention to page 70 the last paragraph.
Part II Preface “MAKING THE CASE” chilling clear evidence for impeachment.
Without reservation I would recommend this book to anyone interested in our Nation’s future and our laws. We must remain a nation of laws. For if we forget that and become lawless we are truly lost.
I say this in closing; having served this (our) great Nation for thirty years my oath has no expiration date. And I took it very serious.
Semper Fidelis
Hap Smith Jr. 2112
U.S.Marine Corps (retired)
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Earlier instances of Presidential impeachment didn't affect the rest of the world all that obviously, but Andrew McCarthy lists Obama's appalling foreign "policy" among the charges.
McCarthy writes extremely well. As a lawyer, he ought to, but we've all met lawyers who, somehow, can't string two sentences together. Andrew McCarthy decidedly is not one of that kind. McCarthy explains his argument, then goes into more detail. The first half of the book lists the reasons for impeaching Obama (and/or quite a few of his appointees), covering the charge-sheet in some detail, but McCarthy also explains the vital differences between an impeachment and a criminal trial. As he shows, far too few people, even on Capitol Hill, understand those differences, with the result that many are shy of even pronouncing the word "impeachment".
The second half suggests the way in which the articles of impeachment might (or may) be framed. I wonder if McCarthy may have slightly overloaded this part, introducing the nitty-gritty of the arguments in excessive detail. As far as the book is concerned, he has already covered these arguments, in the first half.
Obamaniacs won't go anywhere near this book, but people who know Obama only from sycophantic BBC (or similar) puffs really should take the trouble to read it, especially the first part.





