The Fatal Embrace: Jews and the State
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Detalles del libro
- Número de páginas298 páginas
- IdiomaInglés
- EditorialUniversity of Chicago Press
- Fecha de publicación15 Enero 1999
- Dimensiones8.95 x 6.02 x 0.82 pulgadas
- ISBN-100226296660
- ISBN-13978-0226296661
In this provocative book, Benjamin Ginsberg examines the cycle of Jewish success and anti-Semitic attack throughout the history of the Diaspora, with a concentrated focus on the "special case" of America. For Ginsberg, the essential issue is not anti-Jewish feeling, but the conditions under which such sentiment is likely to be used in the political arena. The Fatal Embrace identifies the political dynamics that, historically, have set the stage for the persecution of Jews.
Biografía del autor
Benjamin Ginsberg is director of the Washington Center for the Study of American Government and the David Bernstein Professor of Political Science at the Johns Hopkins University. Among his other books are The Captive Public; American Government: Freedom and Power; and Politics by Other Means.
Sobre el autor
Sigue a los autores para recibir notificaciones de sus nuevas obras, así como recomendaciones mejoradas.También podría interesarte
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Información de producto
| Editorial | University of Chicago Press; 1er edición (15 Enero 1999) |
|---|---|
| Idioma | Inglés |
| Tapa blanda | 298 páginas |
| ISBN-10 | 0226296660 |
| ISBN-13 | 978-0226296661 |
| Dimensiones | 8.95 x 6.02 x 0.82 pulgadas |
| Clasificación en los más vendidos de Amazon |
nº2,142,153 en Libros (Ver el Top 100 en Libros)
nº1,634 en La Vida Judía (Libros)
nº2,269 en Historia Judía de la Religión (Libros)
nº8,036 en Historia Política (Libros)
|
| Opinión media de los clientes | 4.4 de 5 estrellas 9Opiniones |
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Opiniones destacadas de los Estados Unidos
- 4.0 de 5 estrellasA good assesment, but some points missedCalificado en Estados Unidos el 23 de enero de 2004This valiant effort to address the question of the danger of the Jewish alliance with government fails to pick out other important points. The basic argument here is that throughout history, since 70 A.D to be exact, Jews have tried to embrace government so as to be... Ver másThis valiant effort to address the question of the danger of the Jewish alliance with government fails to pick out other important points. The basic argument here is that throughout history, since 70 A.D to be exact, Jews have tried to embrace government so as to be protected by it. As the weakest and more discriminated against people in Europe Jews frequently worked in the courts of Kings. When communism and socialism wee being Born this book shows how Jews worked to establish the Soviet in Russia and fought in the Spanish civil war. In America Jews quickly embraced the more tolerant state, aiding on both sides of the civil war and occupying a seat on the supreme court for more then a century.
The question this book asks is: Has the Jewish alliance with the state proved to be a fatal tactic? Examples of the expulsion from Spain in 1492 and the Stalinist purges of Jews in Russia seem to be prime example. But the book does not address the fact that in the middle eastern countries Jews had no status and frequently existed with no alliance to the state and yet the Jews of the middle east were also suppressed, pogromed, and sometimes expelled. Jews of the middle east, despite the fact that they were not visible were still hated and they were forced to wear distinctive embarrassing clothes and were restricted from riding horses and forced to work on the Sabbath. So the conclusion should be that it really doesn't matter whether Jews embrace or shun the state, either way we will be at risk and the reality is that at least by embracing the state Jews have gotten a measure of power to help influence government so that it is harder for government sanctioned anti-Semitism to take place.
This valiant effort to address the question of the danger of the Jewish alliance with government fails to pick out other important points. The basic argument here is that throughout history, since 70 A.D to be exact, Jews have tried to embrace government so as to be protected by it. As the weakest and more discriminated against people in Europe Jews frequently worked in the courts of Kings. When communism and socialism wee being Born this book shows how Jews worked to establish the Soviet in Russia and fought in the Spanish civil war. In America Jews quickly embraced the more tolerant state, aiding on both sides of the civil war and occupying a seat on the supreme court for more then a century.
The question this book asks is: Has the Jewish alliance with the state proved to be a fatal tactic? Examples of the expulsion from Spain in 1492 and the Stalinist purges of Jews in Russia seem to be prime example. But the book does not address the fact that in the middle eastern countries Jews had no status and frequently existed with no alliance to the state and yet the Jews of the middle east were also suppressed, pogromed, and sometimes expelled. Jews of the middle east, despite the fact that they were not visible were still hated and they were forced to wear distinctive embarrassing clothes and were restricted from riding horses and forced to work on the Sabbath. So the conclusion should be that it really doesn't matter whether Jews embrace or shun the state, either way we will be at risk and the reality is that at least by embracing the state Jews have gotten a measure of power to help influence government so that it is harder for government sanctioned anti-Semitism to take place.
- 5.0 de 5 estrellasCompra verificadaAn eye openerCalificado en Estados Unidos el 30 de octubre de 2008I wish Benjamin Ginsburg would update this work. I learned a lot. But, given the ferocity/ ethnic baiting of the 2008 election, the extreme leverage (PONZI scheme) of global banking, there has not been a whisper of anti-semitism (except in most veiled code)... Ver másI wish Benjamin Ginsburg would update this work. I learned a lot.
But, given the ferocity/ ethnic baiting of the 2008 election, the extreme leverage (PONZI scheme) of global banking, there has not been a whisper of anti-semitism (except in most veiled code) anywhere. Why is that?
Seems like a volume 2 is needed!
Anyway, I love reading this book. Who would have thought that Jewish people helped reconstruct the South after the civil war! The book is as much about power politics, as it is about any Jewish role in power. The book delivers a potent recipe for a segment of a minority who services those in power, make tons of money and gain power behind the scenes, and then is hatefully driven out of town by opposing power seekers. Have any groups other than Jews done this? If not, why not?
The latter brings up my major criticism of the book. I wish that the thesis would be broadened to other minorites. If it cannot be broadened, then we are stuck with the "singularity" of the Jewish people with regards to the dynamics of the Fatal Embraces. This begs for further elucidation.
regards,
Mark
I wish Benjamin Ginsburg would update this work. I learned a lot.
But, given the ferocity/ ethnic baiting of the 2008 election, the extreme leverage (PONZI scheme) of global banking, there has not been a whisper of anti-semitism (except in most veiled code) anywhere. Why is that?
Seems like a volume 2 is needed!
Anyway, I love reading this book. Who would have thought that Jewish people helped reconstruct the South after the civil war! The book is as much about power politics, as it is about any Jewish role in power. The book delivers a potent recipe for a segment of a minority who services those in power, make tons of money and gain power behind the scenes, and then is hatefully driven out of town by opposing power seekers. Have any groups other than Jews done this? If not, why not?
The latter brings up my major criticism of the book. I wish that the thesis would be broadened to other minorites. If it cannot be broadened, then we are stuck with the "singularity" of the Jewish people with regards to the dynamics of the Fatal Embraces. This begs for further elucidation.
regards,
Mark
- 4.0 de 5 estrellasThe Fatal Embrace: Jews and the StateCalificado en Estados Unidos el 31 de julio de 2001This is an eye opening book for most American Jews. As most Jews are assimilated into the political culture, enjoy reasonable prospects in the current era and have learned how to avoid the worst of anti-Semitism (consciously or otherwise), it comes as a shock to learn that... Ver másThis is an eye opening book for most American Jews. As most Jews are assimilated into the political culture, enjoy reasonable prospects in the current era and have learned how to avoid the worst of anti-Semitism (consciously or otherwise), it comes as a shock to learn that it is actually a tool of politics used to subtley intimidate and manipulate us.
In thinking through comments made about NYC political life (in reference to municipal and educational politics) in the 1960s and my own experiences, I now realize how manipulated I was. It was systematic, calculated and directed...that makes it worse than if it was random, as it bespeaks an evil knowledge. It affected the employment of my wife, my in-laws and others I knew in the educational field. NYC education suffers today from the purge of Jews that occurred from that time on and we are all poorer for it.
This book is an explanation of why anti-Semitism does not get "solved", but merely goes into remission until needed again -it is a tried and true technique to influence people. That both Democrats and Republicans have used such techniques also indicates its universality and that no one party is a "friend of the Jews". This is the knowledge used by practitioners of the "politics of division". Black anti-Semites use it in their power moves within the Democratic Party. Bill Clinton used it in his defense of pardoning Marc Rich and it is used by Republicans in dealing with Middle Eastern politics as viewed here in the US to forestall the will of the Congress on a Jerusalem based embassy.
This book will annoy those who do not want to hear that message, that an age old hatred is so institutionalized that it is current state-craft.
This is an eye opening book for most American Jews. As most Jews are assimilated into the political culture, enjoy reasonable prospects in the current era and have learned how to avoid the worst of anti-Semitism (consciously or otherwise), it comes as a shock to learn that it is actually a tool of politics used to subtley intimidate and manipulate us.
In thinking through comments made about NYC political life (in reference to municipal and educational politics) in the 1960s and my own experiences, I now realize how manipulated I was. It was systematic, calculated and directed...that makes it worse than if it was random, as it bespeaks an evil knowledge. It affected the employment of my wife, my in-laws and others I knew in the educational field. NYC education suffers today from the purge of Jews that occurred from that time on and we are all poorer for it.
This book is an explanation of why anti-Semitism does not get "solved", but merely goes into remission until needed again -it is a tried and true technique to influence people. That both Democrats and Republicans have used such techniques also indicates its universality and that no one party is a "friend of the Jews". This is the knowledge used by practitioners of the "politics of division". Black anti-Semites use it in their power moves within the Democratic Party. Bill Clinton used it in his defense of pardoning Marc Rich and it is used by Republicans in dealing with Middle Eastern politics as viewed here in the US to forestall the will of the Congress on a Jerusalem based embassy.
This book will annoy those who do not want to hear that message, that an age old hatred is so institutionalized that it is current state-craft.
- 5.0 de 5 estrellasprofoundly insightful, despite all that has happened since it was printed.Calificado en Estados Unidos el 18 de enero de 2015This book sat on my shelf in it's shrink-wrap (one of the few hardcover books I can ever remember buying in plastic shrink-wrap) for almost 25 years before my now grown son noticed it and asked me why I hadn't opened it yet. I did. At first I thought it would be... Ver másThis book sat on my shelf in it's shrink-wrap (one of the few hardcover books I can ever remember buying in plastic shrink-wrap) for almost 25 years before my now grown son noticed it and asked me why I hadn't opened it yet. I did. At first I thought it would be a tedious retelling of the successes and downfalls of now obscure Jewish names from Europe's past, but soon realized that that these first chapters were a necessary background for an insightful analysis of the Jewish political experience in America up until 1992 when the book was published.
Much has happened since 1992 that Mr. Ginzburg couldn't have forseen: the 9/11 attacks, the return of the Jewish neo-cons during Bush II's tenure, and the election of America's first African-American president that some pundits have labelled as America's first "Jewish" president because of his close ties to Jews from his days as a pol in Chicago and later in Springfield, IL. (AIPAC's one-sided viewpoint notwithstanding, I wouldn't regard Obama's frosty relationship with Bibi as anything motivated by anti-Semitism, or anti-Israel sentiment, but simply as impatience and exasperation with what even many Israelis see as an unsustainable status-quo.) Indeed, much of the events since the publish date take on a new light for me after reading this book.
The insights from this book go hand in hand with Maristella Botticini's "The Chosen Few", a history of the Jews between 70-1492 CE, whose thesis is that universal literacy, arising in the centuries following the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem, is what made Jews unique in the ancient world and placed them in a position to advance dramatically in trade, medicine and administration with the rise of Islam, one of many ancient precursors to our current "globalization". Mr. Ginzburg's thesis is that this unique status also makes Jews' position in their host countries especially precarious as they become easy targets of resentment by those who perceive themselves as threatened by each new globalization.
My biggest take-away from "The Fatal Embrace" however, is that anti-Jewish outbursts are rarely spontaneous. Those who are behind them invariable have an agenda to gain or regain lost influence and control over the allocation of favor and influence. This appears to be true in all the episodes that the book analyses, but to me is illustrated most clearly in what I found to be the book's most distressing chapter about antagonism between African-Americans and Jews during the 1980 on college campuses and in New York City bureaus. An episode that once baffled me became crystal clear. People are nothing if not creatures of ambition, and some (at least the sort who tend to become politicians or vie to gain influence on university faculties) will stop at nothing to achieve their ambitions, even when it means throwing their erst-while friends and allies under the bus.
After reading this book, I can no longer take my privileged status as a Jew in America for granted.
This book sat on my shelf in it's shrink-wrap (one of the few hardcover books I can ever remember buying in plastic shrink-wrap) for almost 25 years before my now grown son noticed it and asked me why I hadn't opened it yet. I did. At first I thought it would be a tedious retelling of the successes and downfalls of now obscure Jewish names from Europe's past, but soon realized that that these first chapters were a necessary background for an insightful analysis of the Jewish political experience in America up until 1992 when the book was published.
Much has happened since 1992 that Mr. Ginzburg couldn't have forseen: the 9/11 attacks, the return of the Jewish neo-cons during Bush II's tenure, and the election of America's first African-American president that some pundits have labelled as America's first "Jewish" president because of his close ties to Jews from his days as a pol in Chicago and later in Springfield, IL. (AIPAC's one-sided viewpoint notwithstanding, I wouldn't regard Obama's frosty relationship with Bibi as anything motivated by anti-Semitism, or anti-Israel sentiment, but simply as impatience and exasperation with what even many Israelis see as an unsustainable status-quo.) Indeed, much of the events since the publish date take on a new light for me after reading this book.
The insights from this book go hand in hand with Maristella Botticini's "The Chosen Few", a history of the Jews between 70-1492 CE, whose thesis is that universal literacy, arising in the centuries following the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem, is what made Jews unique in the ancient world and placed them in a position to advance dramatically in trade, medicine and administration with the rise of Islam, one of many ancient precursors to our current "globalization". Mr. Ginzburg's thesis is that this unique status also makes Jews' position in their host countries especially precarious as they become easy targets of resentment by those who perceive themselves as threatened by each new globalization.
My biggest take-away from "The Fatal Embrace" however, is that anti-Jewish outbursts are rarely spontaneous. Those who are behind them invariable have an agenda to gain or regain lost influence and control over the allocation of favor and influence. This appears to be true in all the episodes that the book analyses, but to me is illustrated most clearly in what I found to be the book's most distressing chapter about antagonism between African-Americans and Jews during the 1980 on college campuses and in New York City bureaus. An episode that once baffled me became crystal clear. People are nothing if not creatures of ambition, and some (at least the sort who tend to become politicians or vie to gain influence on university faculties) will stop at nothing to achieve their ambitions, even when it means throwing their erst-while friends and allies under the bus.
After reading this book, I can no longer take my privileged status as a Jew in America for granted.
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