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Fear: Trump in the White House Hardcover – September 11, 2018
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RUNAWAY #1 NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER
SENSATIONAL #1 INTERNATIONAL BESTSELLER
“Explosive.”—The Washington Post
“Devastating.”—The New Yorker
“Unprecedented.”—CNN
“Great reporting...astute.”—Hugh Hewitt
THE INSIDE STORY ON PRESIDENT TRUMP, AS ONLY BOB WOODWARD CAN TELL IT
With authoritative reporting honed through nine presidencies, author Bob Woodward reveals in unprecedented detail the harrowing life inside President Donald Trump’s White House and precisely how he makes decisions on major foreign and domestic policies.
Fear is the most intimate portrait of a sitting president ever published during the president’s first years in office. The focus is on the explosive debates and the decision-making in the Oval Office, the Situation Room, Air Force One and the White House residence.
Woodward draws from hundreds of hours of interviews with firsthand sources, meeting notes, personal diaries, files and documents. Often with day-by-day details, dialogue and documentation, Fear tracks key foreign issues from North Korea, Afghanistan, Iran, the Middle East, NATO, China and Russia. It reports in-depth on Trump’s key domestic issues particularly trade and tariff disputes, immigration, tax legislation, the Paris Climate Accord and the racial violence in Charlottesville in 2017.
Fear presents vivid details of the negotiations between Trump’s attorneys and Robert Mueller, the special counsel in the Russia investigation, laying out for the first time the meeting-by-meeting discussions and strategies. It discloses how senior Trump White House officials joined together to steal draft orders from the president’s Oval Office desk so he would not issue directives that would jeopardize top secret intelligence operations.
“It was no less than an administrative coup d’état,” Woodward writes, “a nervous breakdown of the executive power of the most powerful county in the world.”
- Print length448 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherSimon & Schuster
- Publication dateSeptember 11, 2018
- Dimensions6 x 1.2 x 9 inches
- ISBN-101501175513
- ISBN-13978-1501175510
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“A damning picture of the current presidency.”—David Martin, CBS News
“An unprecedented inside-the-room look through the eyes of the President's inner circle. . . . stunning.”—CNN
“A devastating reported account of the Trump Presidency that will be consulted as a first draft of the grim history it portrays . . . What Woodward has written is not just the story of a deeply flawed President but also, finally, an account of what those surrounding him have chosen to do about it.”—Susan B. Glasser, The New Yorker
“Fear is Woodward at his best, the quintessential investigative reporter with an eye for detail and an uncanny ability to get key players to ensure that their perspective is etched into history. Its timing could not be more critical for a nation exhausted by tweets and spin, and trying to assess the danger to democracy posed by a presidency that shatters its norms and demeans its institutions.”—John Diaz, San Francisco Chronicle
“In an age of ‘alternative facts’ and corrosive tweets about ‘fake news,’ Woodward is truth’s gold standard. . . . explosive . . . devastating . . . jaw-dropping.”—Jill Abramson, The Washington Post
“Woodward's latest book shows the administration is broken, and yet what comes next could be even worse.”—David A. Graham, The Atlantic
“[Woodward] is the master and I'd trust him over politicians of either party any day of the week.”—Peter Baker
“Woodward . . . depicts the Trump White House as a byzantine, treacherous, often out-of-control operation . . . Mr. Woodward’s book has unsettled the administration and the president in part because it is clear that the author has spoken with so many current and former officials.”—Mark Landler and Maggie Haberman, New York Times
“The more heartening message from FEAR is that we still have institutions and individuals, including Bob Woodward, who will continue checking the most destructive instincts of Donald Trump.”—Joe Scarborough
“You can trust that Woodward has gone to inordinate lengths to get to the best obtainable version of the truth.”—Mike Allen, Axios
“I wonder how many journalists have arrived in Washington over the years dreaming of becoming the next Bob Woodward . . . Though his books are often sensational, he is the opposite of sensationalist. He’s diligent, rigorous, fastidious about the facts, and studiously ethical. There’s something almost monastic about his method . . . He’s Washington's chronicler in chief.”—Nick Bryant, BBC
“No, Bob Woodward is not a Democratic operative. He’s a highly respected journalist who has a track record of writing meticulously detailed books about presidents with an uncanny knack for getting behind-the-scenes details.”—POLITICO Playbook
“He’s got tapes. That’s what the Trump White House really did not understand until today, if they understand it even now.”—Lawrence O’Donnell, MSNBC
“I think you’ve always been fair.”—President Donald J. Trump, in a call to Bob Woodward, August 14, 2018
About the Author
Product details
- Publisher : Simon & Schuster; 2nd edition (September 11, 2018)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 448 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1501175513
- ISBN-13 : 978-1501175510
- Item Weight : 1.84 pounds
- Dimensions : 6 x 1.2 x 9 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #59,269 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #65 in National & International Security (Books)
- #105 in United States Executive Government
- #183 in US Presidents
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About the author

Bob Woodward is an associate editor of The Washington Post, where he has worked since 1971. He has shared in two Pulitzer Prizes, first in 1973 for the coverage of the Watergate scandal with Carl Bernstein, and second in 2003 as the lead reporter for coverage of the 9/11 terrorist attacks.
He has authored or coauthored 18 books, all of which have been national non-fiction bestsellers. Twelve of those have been #1 national bestsellers. He has written books on eight of the most recent presidents, from Nixon to Obama.
Bob Schieffer of CBS News has said, “Woodward has established himself as the best reporter of our time. He may be the best reporter of all time.”
In 2014, Robert Gates, former director of the CIA and Secretary of Defense, said that he wished he’d recruited Woodward into the CIA, saying of Woodward, “He has an extraordinary ability to get otherwise responsible adults to spill [their] guts to him...his ability to get people to talk about stuff they shouldn’t be talking about is just extraordinary and may be unique.”
Gene Roberts, the former managing editor of The New York Times, has called the Woodward-Bernstein Watergate coverage, “maybe the single greatest reporting effort of all time.” In listing the all-time 100 best non-fiction books, Time Magazine has called All the President’s Men, by Bernstein and Woodward, “Perhaps the most influential piece of journalism in history.”
In 2018 David Von Drehle wrote, “What [Theodore] White did for presidential campaigns, Post Associate Editor Bob Woodward has done for multiple West Wing administrations – in addition to the Supreme Court, the Pentagon, the CIA and the Federal Reserve.”
Woodward was born March 26, 1943 in Illinois. He graduated from Yale University in 1965 and served five years as a communications officer in the United States Navy before beginning his journalism career at the Montgomery County (Maryland) Sentinel, where he was a reporter for one year before joining the Post.
Photos, a Q&A, and additional materials are available at Woodward's website, www.bobwoodward.com.
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Mike Pence, the "Shadow President" and Trump's hand picked successor, will from many indications become president in the months following the November 6 election. That seems to be a high probability, even without Special Counsel Robert Mueller's likely devastating report on the Russian conspiracy to influence illegally the 2016 presidential elections and the related cover up obstructing Mueller's investigation of this conspiracy . The only unknown now is when and how Trump goes--- by the impeachment process or by simple resignation like Nixon did. We can expect Pence will then give Trump a full pardon, after Trump fully pardons some family members and close associates. Michael Cohen and Paul Manafort need not hold their breath waiting for a pardon. Trump, some of his family members and close associates will, of course, still be at risk of state law prosecutions, expecially in NY.
Trump has long used fear to exercise power over others. Fear, as Machiavelli strongly recommended five centuries ago to a corrupt pope's nephew, is preferable to and more effective than kindness. Paradoxically, Trump's own deep personal fear of failure still drives him desperately--- any means are justified to reach Trump's top goals of personal profit and glory forever. Any means is OK, including even orphaning innocent infants at the Mexican border, while other immigrants are welcomed to work temporarily at Mar-a-Lago. Woodward's book just reinforces these observations many have already made.
It is amazing to me that many of the so-called "adults in the room" cannot see that Trump is misbehaving as he always did. He cannot be changed, certainly not now and not by the many handlers selected seemingly because Trump can dominate them. That said, Trump still has more than two years remaining on his term!
I have strong reactions to Woodward's many disturbing disclosures, as (1) a former Harvard Law assistant to Archibald Cox (prior to his being the unforgettable Watergate Prosecutor and nailing Nixon), (2) a former high school chum of Rudy Guiliani (now an unimpressive key Trump advisor), (3) a former law firm colleague of Bob Khuzami (now the impressive head of NYC federal investigations of Trump criminal matters) and (4) a father and grandfather.
Initially, my strongest reaction to "Fear" was, in turn, real fear for the US and the world. How can the US survive two years more of Trump as president, especially given Woodward's very disturbing reports? On further reflection on the most likely outcomes, however, based on my experience, I am now less worried for the reasons indicated below. The US survived a Revolutionary War, a Civil War, a "Know Nothing" political party, two World Wars, a Korean War, an Iraq War and a Cold War, major Depressions, Prohibition and Nixon, et al. The US will survive Trump and Mike Pence!
Woodward’s book is extremely specific and very detailed--- describing relevant facts, documents, dates and meetings. Importantly, he reports on how some of Trump's policies are so haphazardly made, not just on the many bizarre episodes of Trump and his staff. Woodward draws some really important and very plausible inferences from the collective information of the many involved in specific presidential matters Woodward investigated. And his extensive tapes of his hundreds of hours of interviews of almost 100 relevant persons are available to "prove" his inferences. Trump and his cronies' predictable complaints of Woodward bias, if anything, just invite a closer look at Woodward's findings.
At 75 years old, Woodward clearly had a purpose in this voluntary and prodigious effort to research and write this book--- to flush out the true Donald Trump and show the danger he poses for US national security. Woodward, a Navy veteran like John McCain before him, is also a patriot. To paraphrase Trump, Woodward shows vividly that Trump's behavior is "very sad and really disgusting".
The media will have a field day with some of the troubling Trump episodes Woodward reports. Many persons cited in the book will challenge some of his reports. To be expected and perhaps understandable, given Trump's fiery temper about those he thinks are in any way disloyal to him. The facts will nevertheless prevail, as they have mostly for Woodward's earlier books about the many presidents who immediately preceded Trump.
More important, however, than specific episodes, is what the confluence of these troubling episodes clearly shows --- Trump is clearly unfit to be president! The longer he remains, the greater the risk in our nuclear age for the US, and the world as well. It is well to recall the near catastrophe last January when a Hawaiian technician pressed the wrong button indicating a non-existent "imminent" North Korean missile attack, following Trump's reckless rhetoric about the real North Korean threat. This must have sent a real chill down the spines of the leaders of all nuclear nations, and many others as well.
Will Trump then finish his first term? Very doubtful, it appears.
If the Democrats win a House majority in less than two months, prompt impeachment proceedings and numerous House investigations of Trump and his corrupt cronies appear to be inevitable. That dooms Trump.
Even if the Democrats remain the minority, impeachment is still likely to occur in my view as Mueller's efforts continue --- they cannot be stopped now. They will continue even if Mueller is fired as they continued after Nixon fired Archibald Cox. Moreover, there is a reasonable prospect that one or more of Trump's children and/or in-laws could soon be indicted.
Trump will after November be an increasingly unnecessary liability for Republicans, the GOP. Only 32% of voters currently polled even think Trump is honest. He has already done what the GOP and its billionaire backers like the Kochs and Devoses most wanted --- a major tax cut for the wealthiest, reckless deregulation, insuring a right wing judiciary majority, reducing drastically Federal revenues needed to fund the social safety net, et al.
Moreover, it seems unlikely that Trump will be able to handle the steadily growing pressure he faces. He may even elect to resign as Nixon did. Pence can finish up to the cheers of the Kochs, Devoses, et al.
For a fuller picture of what to expect from Pence when Trump "retires", please see the new comprehensive, readable and detailed biography of Mike Pence, "The Shadow President ..." by Pulitzer Prize winning investigative reporter, Michael D'Antonio, and by his co-author, Peter Eisner. This book's findings dovetail nicely with the findings in "Fear".
Unlike Woodward, D'Antonio even got, for his recent excellent Trump biography, hours of direct interviews of Trump before the 2016 elections, until Trump abruptly ended the interviews apparently concerned that D'Antonio was writing a truthful book based on facts, not on Trump's limitless lies and specious spin. We now know from this important book on Pence why it is very unlikely that Pence will ever be able to clean up Donald Trump's mess. We also can understand much better why Trump recently predicted that stock markets would crash if he were to be impeached. Not too great an endorsement of his successor, Pence, by a reckless and incompetent boss who has now witnessed up close for almost two years the non-stop cheerleading of the "Shadow President", Mike Pence.
Pence successfully strived during the last two years behind the scenes, with Trump's apparent blessings, to advance his repressive and regressive fundamentalist Christian remaking of American society, including through administration and judicial right-wing appointments and adoption of fundamentalist social policies, like curtailing legal abortions and even limiting contraception access. Significantly, these policies mostly benefit in the end the already "uberrich" top 0.01% of Americans at the expense of the 99.99 % less fortunate--- how Christian is that?
Trump's and Pence's unfair tax cuts and excessive deregulation can readily be fixed by Democrats when they regain power. But Trump and Pence have already changed the Federal judiciary with their many right wing judges appointed for life. That is not so easily fixed.
This is scary stuff for a religiously diverse nation with constitutional safeguards of religious freedom that were extremely important for good reason to our Founding Fathers. They rejected a theocracy as well as a monarchy !
By providing a brisk and insightful history of Pence's personal and political journey, we are able with this book to see behind Pence's perpetual smile and smooth style. It is not a very pretty picture.
All, even Trump supporters, should read this book to understand better the threat Pence poses even for Trump. After the midterm elections, the "uberrich" will know they can fulfill all their remaining political and economic dreams through Pence, without having to put up any longer with Trump's erratic and at times almost bizarre policies and behavior. By mid-November, Trump will need Pence more than Pence will need Trump.
It is not surprising the Omarosa recently observed on Chris Matthews' "Hardball" show that she thinks one of Pence's staff was the author of the unprecedented and anonymous New York times Op Ed column that further undercuts Trump and re-inforces some of Woodward's revelations. As to be expected, Pence offers to swear under oath that HE did not write the Op Ed column, which denial leaves room that one of his staffers wrote it, no?
"Fear" and "The Shadow Presidency" raise a very ironic possibility in my mind. If Special Counsel Robert Mueller's report, after the midterm elections in November, indicates that Trump and Pence were both implicated in Russian election conspiracy and/or in the subsequent cover-up, both of them could be removed from office or worse by a Congress forced by public outrage to act on Mueller's report. Even Nixon's base abandoned him once the true facts were widely known.
Pence often played a key role in the 2016 campaign, as well as during the two years since. Who knows what he said and did in secret? Who knows if Pence was recorded by Amarosa, an evangelical pastor, or Michael Cohen, a "tell all" third rate lawyer or someone else at the White House, including possibly Trump himself. I suspect that by now, Mueller knows!
If that happens, Nancy Pelosi could succeed after next January to the presidency as Speaker of the House, third in line after the President and Vice President. So much then for the great Trump/Pence strategy.
The Pence book makes very clear why Pence is to be feared, perhaps even more than Trump. The "god" of Trump is Trump --- in that sense, he is obvious and usually predictable. Pence's "god" is much darker and more dangerous, as well as unpredictable, as this book has confirmed for me. It may be that a needy and greedy Trump is a safer bet than a surreptitious and smiling religious zealot, Pence.
Pence legitimated Trump with the important and united fundamentalist voter base, who voted by over 80% to elect Trump! Trump also won 52% of Catholics' votes, while only 46% of the national vote. Who will legitimate Pence? This book suggests "good" fundamentalists should now vote against Pence if they ever find their Christian moorings again!
Pence appears determined to advance a repressive and regressive fundamentalist evangelical theocracy, even though most Americans, including most Christians, have no interest in a theocracy, Christian or otherwise. Our Founding Fathers were well aware of the brutal post-Reformation religious wars that some of their not too distant relatives had fled Europe to avoid.
Interestingly, Pence was a Catholic altar boy and Trump attended for two years a Jesuit college, Fordham. And the current four male Supreme Court conservative Catholic Justices and the newly nominated likely to be Justice, Brett Kavanagh, were also raised Catholic. Four of these five also went to Catholic schools --- Clarence Thomas to Jesuit Holy Cross College, Neil Gorsuch and Kavanagh to Jesuit Georgetown Prep and John Roberts to La Lumiere School. Samuel Alito was raised in a traditional Italian American Catholic family environment.
It seems clear to me, as a graduate of 16 years of Catholic schools, that each of these men in varying degrees may be unduly, even mistakenly, influenced by celibate Vatican officials' "infallible teachings" on reproductive matters.
In 1930, Pope Pius XI gratuitously (and "infallibly" {?}) condemned all birth control to help Mussolini and leaders of other Catholic Western European countries pump up their populations following the decline in births after World War I's slaughter of many potential Western European fathers. Pius XI, who had in 1920 seen up close in Poland the brutal atheistic Soviet threat in operation, was worried about expanding Soviet influence. Of course, Trump has now shown us that Putin and other former Soviets are the West's best friends!
The Vatican's position on women's reproductive rights, initially adopted in 1930 in Pope Pius XI's "infallible" condemnation of birth control, is not based on the interests of women or families or on any Biblical foundation or even on rigorous philosophical and scientific foundations. On the contrary, it is based solely on the Vatican's mythical claim since 1870 that "the pope is infallible" so what a pope said in 1930 remains the "Gospel Truth" forever.
The origin of the papal infallibility myth has recently been subjected to close and thorough analysis by the leading Catholic historian, Georgetown's 91 year old John O'Malley. A Jesuit, O'Malley has recently published a superb and short new book, "Vatican I", which documents in detail the 1870 invention in desperate circumstances by Pope Pius IX of "papal infallibility".
While I share an Ivy League law school background and a Catholic upbringing with the Supreme Court's likely new all male majority, thanks to the scholarship of John O'Malley, Hans Kung and other brave Catholic scholars, I do not share in their uninformed adoration for papal "infallible teachings".
Hopefully, some the these men will also read the important Vatican I book. If these male Catholic Justices are, based on their purported take on Catholic moral teachings, going to make legal rules for over 150 million American women about female reproductive matters, these Justices should at least understand the mythological origin of these teachings. They should all read O'Malley's new book and my Amazon review of it.
Of course., "infallible" popes since 1870 have greatly increased their power even over Cardinals and other Bishops by exploiting their newly invented unique claim to being infallible. Popes, much like Trump, want to retain their power even if hundreds of millions of women worldwide are denied reproductive justice to protect popes' mythical claims to infallibility. Popes have shown in their shameful cover-ups of priests' and bishops' sexual abuse of defenseless children that popes sin like other humans. The papal fixation on preserving their unique "infallible claims" to protect the power they have built up over the last 150 years is more important than any women or children, it appears.
If popes reverse themselves now on women's reproductive rights, their claims to the symbolic power of papal infallibility will fail. Of course, as few Catholics seem to know, popes have earlier reversed themselves on moral issues like slavery and usury. So much for unchanging infallible truths!
That said, with Kavanagh on the Supreme Court, as appears likely, Roe v. Wade can be expected to be limited greatly, executive authority will likely be almost unlimited in immigration, foreign relations and other important areas, and corporate political donations will remain almost unlimited. These surely are trying times for the US.
The push-back of majority voters will need to begin in earnest in less than 60 days in House and Senate elections, and again in 2020's presidential elections. In the 1930's FDR tamed a right wing court with the support of a majority of voters. This can happen again.
But if fear is meant to signify the new book about the Trump Administration by Bob Woodward, then there is nothing to fear in that respect either.
Woodward, the veteran journalist who along with Carl Bernstein is credited for uncovering the Watergate scandal that ultimately brought down Richard Nixon’s presidency, wrote a book with Bernstein in 1974 about Watergate, titled All the President’s Men. Since then, the prolific author has penned an additional eighteen tomes, including at least one on each president from George H.W. Bush to Barack Obama.
This year, poignantly on September 11, Woodward’s 19th book was released, about the Trump Administration, titled Fear: Trump in the White House. The book’s release, on the heels of the buzz circulating around the September 5 New York Times op-ed piece “I Am Part of the Resistance Inside the Trump Administration,” by Anonymous, to whom I refer as “Shallow Throat,” had folks on both sides of the Trump fence in a frenzy. To extreme Trump haters and extreme Trump supporters, I have this to say: you’re not going to like this book. To the rest of us, it is a valuable, thoughtful, addition to all of the serious books – as opposed to the trashy ones – about the Trump presidency to date.
As the author of several books myself, most recently Stop Calling Them "Immigrants", I appreciate evenhanded writing.
Many in the increasingly sensationalized, supermarket-tabloidy media, true to their flawed character, cherrypicked the most contentious, controversial tidbits contained in the book (such as then-Secretary of State Rex Tillerson referring to President Trump as a “moron”), so as to imply that the book is chock full of Trump-bashing, as if it were a tell-all expose written by a disgruntled former employee or business associate who now suffers from TDS – Trump Derangement Syndrome. But Fear is no such book.
Woodward, true to form, pulls no punches, but presents no agenda. Unlike far inferior writers, he does not weave together a theme to demonstrate anything. Rather, the book reads as if he is keeping a journal of the daily goings on of the Trump White House, which has even prompted some readers to deem the book “boring,” because there weren’t enough juicy details in it about Trump.
The book certainly portrays Trump as high-strung, tempestuous, angry, unpredictable, and irreconcilable at times. It also shows him as incredibly sharp and perceptive, often impatient when some of his staff fell short of such standards.
Woodward describes compassionate sides of Trump rarely made public, such as his subsequent aversion to meeting with families of veterans killed in action, because his initial experience in doing so was far too painful for him to endure. There is further evidence of Trump’s sensitivity to human suffering insofar as his reaction – that one more publicized – to disfigured and killed children in Syria as a result of its president Bashar al-Assad’s use of chemical weapons in that nation’s civil war.
The first part of the book reveals a great deal of political miscalculations by many of Trump’s associates, and in sharp contrast portrays former Breitbart Head Steve Bannon and U.S. Senator (SC) Lindsey Graham as prognosticating geniuses.
In addition to Tillerson, Woodward reports about others in the White House having described Trump in unflattering ways, suggesting that he was out of his depth and/or started to lose his grip. The important takeaway from that, though, is that Woodward does not imply that he himself draws those conclusions, but rather that he is reporting about others who have. Just as Woodward points to those loyal to the president and seemingly happy in their jobs.
Curiously, one of Trump’s closest confidantes, Kellyanne Conway, who served as his third and final campaign manager and is now Counselor to the president, is not featured all that much. In fact, as the book progresses, well into the first year of the Trump Administration, Conway, who is one of the president’s steadfast allies amid a virtual revolving door of underlings, is hardly mentioned at all.
As the book moves forward, the number of negative anecdotes increase, perhaps giving the TDS crowd the red meat they crave, and providing those Trump supporters who refuse to criticize the president about anything a reason to discredit Woodward.
One theme intensifies – dishonesty. Woodward does not directly accuse Trump of lying, he places that conclusion, repeatedly and squarely in the mouth of John Dowd, one of Trump’s attorneys at the time. In fact, Woodward concludes that the one overriding problem Trump has, which Dowd knew but couldn’t say out loud, is that the president is “a f****n liar.”
Woodward emphasizes Trump’s focus, even respect for denying any wrongdoing – whether the denier is he or someone else – because to admit and/or to apologize is “weak.” Trump himself has admitted such on various occasions, and in his 1987 book The Art of the Deal disclosed that he often embellishes stories to make them more interesting to the beholder – not much different than a Herodotean approach to historical writing, as opposed to a Thucydidean one.
The most puzzling part about Woodward’s book is the title, Fear, which is attributed to a quote featured on the back cover, attributed to Trump on March 31, 2016, “Real power is – I don’t even want to use the word – fear.” But there is no pattern in the book of Trump using fear to rule as president. From the way Woodward describes life in the Trump Administration, a more appropriate title might be Chaos, Uncertainty, Unpredictability, or Frenzy. Not so much Fear.
I hope readers of this review who have yet to read Fear by Bob Woodward will do so soon. Because his supporters will complain that too much of Trump’s dirty laundry is aired, and the haters will complain too little. And that is exactly what makes it a worthwhile read.
Why, then, only four stars? Because I grade the great Woodward on a curve. A first-rate investigative reporter such as he should have done his homework more carefully; too many people flatly deny what was written about them in the book. They do not insinuate that Woodward is a liar, just that he was careless.
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As many might expect, Woodward portrays an unflattering picture of the 45th President as someone who is impulsive, narcissistic, and disorganized, having a short attention-span, and who is unwilling to share the limelight or admit mistakes. The book maintains that on many occasions, subordinates sabotage Trump's impulsive decisions, ones which lack consideration of their long-term negative implications. This is not to suggest that the book is at its core motivated by "anti-Trump" considerations. There are a number of areas in which Woodward is actually supportive of the President, for example in his criticism of former FBI Director James Comey for his clumsy effort to intimidate Trump in a J. Edgar Hoover-like manner over an incident alleging activities with Russian prostitutes that is likely a made-up story. Woodward's sources also suggest that the President and his lawyers have been extremely forthcoming in providing information to Special Prosecutor Robert Mueller in his investigation of the Trump White House. He is unable to locate any credible evidence of wrongdoing on the the part of the President in connection with alleged Russian interference in the 2016 Presidential election.
Many of the positions taken by Trump are ones which might otherwise be supportable, if not for the President's personality. They are at least concerning issues on which reasonable people can hold opposing views. For example, according to Woodward, the President would like to withdraw troops from Afghanistan and other venues around the world and end American's role as the world's policeman. On this he is at odds with his generals and national security advisors who warn that doing so would make the nation unsafe. In the age old historic battle of protectionism vs. free trade, Trump is against the globalist perspective, while all but a few of his economic advisers strongly disagree. It is ironic that many of the people who mobilize protests against the president likely share many of his opinions on many of these issues.
Woodward takes Trump to task for some of his more indefensible positions and actions, such as his refusal to refute his criticism of both white supremacists at Charlottesville, as well as those who protested their activities (in which Trump said that both were equally at fault). He also calls out the President for his recklessness in courting nuclear war by his childish twitter war with North Korean leader Kim-Jong Un.
This book, like many other Woodward offerings, is amazing for its rich supply of source information. A number of private discussions between the president and his chiefs of staff, leading cabinet members and cabinet level officials, and top military advisers are described in conversational detail. Featuring prominently in the book are former Staff Secretary Rob Porter, former economic adviser Gary Cohn, lawyer John Dowd and Senator Lindsay Graham. It is especially astounding that somehow Woodward has access to solicitor-client discussions between Trump and his lawyers, which if accurate (and Woodward assures us that they are), raise questions about potential and serious breaches of lawyer-client confidentiality. The detail provided in the book about meetings on national security issues are also concerning in that if this level of detail is accessible to reporters, what secrets are kept from foreign governments?
Writing a book about perhaps the most polarizing president in history makes objectivity an impossible task. Trump supporters are apt to write off any criticism as "fake news" while Trump haters are out for blood and likely to magnify any transgressions or flaws, rather than see them in their proper perspective. For the reader interested in seeing current events through as future history (and therefore concerned about the absence of bias or agenda on the part of the narrator), Woodward comes as close as possible to presenting an objective picture of life in the White House. He gives the reader a good sense of what is overblown and what we should be concerned about. In this day and age of twitter wars and cyber-incivility, that's a pretty amazing accomplishment.
Fascinating insight in the « working » of the White House under Trump . Also frightening to realize that so much ignorance, arrogance, bigotry exists . Not surprising that all the good people left or were pushed out ..













