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Fiasco: The American Military Adventure in Iraq, 2003 to 2005 Paperback – Bargain Price, July 31, 2007
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Thomas E. Ricks 's #1 New York Times bestseller, Fiasco, transformed the political dialogue on the war in Iraq. Now Ricks has picked up where Fiasco left off-Iraq, late 2005. With more newsbreaking information, including hundreds of hours of interviews with top U.S. officials who were on the ground during the surge and beyond, The Gamble is the natural companion piece to Fiasco, and the two are sure to become the definitive examinations of what ultimately went wrong in Iraq.
- Print length512 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherPenguin Books
- Publication dateJuly 31, 2007
- Reading age18 years and up
- Dimensions6.04 x 1.17 x 9.18 inches
- ISBN-100143038915
- ISBN-13978-0143038917
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Editorial Reviews
Amazon.com Review
The paperback edition of Fiasco includes a new postscript in which Ricks looks back on the year since the book's release, a year in which the intensity and frequency of attacks on American soldiers only increased and in which Ricks's challenging account became accepted as conventional wisdom, with many of the dissident officers in his story given the reins of leadership, although Ricks still finds the prospects for the conflict grim. --Tom Nissley
A Fiasco, a Year Later
With the paperback release of Thomas Ricks's Fiasco, a year after the book became a #1 New York Times bestseller and an influential force in transforming the public perception (and the perception within the military and the civilian government as well) of the war in Iraq, we asked Ricks in the questions below to look back on the book and the year of conflict that have followed. On our page for the hardcover edition of Fiasco you can see our earlier Q&A with Ricks, and you can also see two lists he prepared for Amazon customers: his choices for the 10 books for understanding Iraq that aren't about Iraq, a collection of studies of counterinsurgency warfare that became surprisingly popular last year as soldiers and civilians tried to understand the nature of the new conflict, and, as a glimpse into his writing process, a playlist of the music he listened to while writing and researching the book.
Amazon.com: When we spoke with you a year ago, you said that you thought you were done going back to Baghdad. But that dateline is still showing up in your reports. How have things changed in the city over the past year?
Thomas E. Ricks: Yes, I had promised my wife that I wouldnt go back. Iraq was taking a toll on both of us--I think my trips of four to six weeks were harder on her than on me.
But I found I couldn't stay away. The Iraq war is the most important event of our time, I think, and will remain a major news story for years to come. And I felt like everything I had done for the last 15 years--from deployments I'd covered to books and military manuals Id read (and written)--had prepared me to cover this event better than most reporters. So I made a deal with my wife that I would go back to Iraq but would no longer do the riskiest things, such as go on combat patrols or on convoys. I used to have a rule that I would only take the risks necessary to "get the story." Now I don't take even those risks if I can see them, even if that means missing part of a story. Also, I try to keep my trips much shorter.
How is Baghdad different? It is still a chaotic mess. But it doesn't feel quite as Hobbesian as it did in early 2006. That said, it also feels a bit like a pause--with the so-called "surge," Uncle Sam has put all his chips on the table, and the other players are waiting a bit to see how that plays out.
Amazon.com: One of the remarkable things over the past year for a reader of Fiasco has been how much of what your book recommends has, apparently, been taken to heart by the military and civilian leadership. As you write in your new postscript to the paperback edition, the war has been "turned over to the dissidents." General David Petraeus, who was one of the first to put classic counterinsurgency tactics to use in Iraq, is now the top American commander there, and he has surrounded himself with others with similar views. What was that transformation like on the inside?
Ricks: I was really struck when I was out in Baghdad two months ago at how different the American military felt. I used to hate going into the Green Zone because of all the unreal happy talk I'd hear. It was a relief to leave the place, even if being outside it (and contrary to popular myth, most reporters do live outside it) was more dangerous.
There is a new realism in the U.S. military. In May, I was getting a briefing from one official in the Green Zone and I thought, "Wow, not only does this briefing strike me as accurate, it also is better said than I could do." That feeling was a real change from the old days.
The other thing that struck me was the number of copies I saw of Fiasco as I knocked around Iraq. When I started writing it, the title was controversial. Now generals say things to me like, "Got it, understand it, agree with it." I am told that the Army War College is making the book required reading this fall.
Amazon.com: And what are its prospects at this late date?
Ricks: The question remains, Is it too little too late? It took the U.S. military four years to get the strategy right in Iraq--that is, to understand that their goal should be to protect the people. By that time, the American people and the Iraqi people both had lost of lot of patience. (And by that time, the Iraq war had lasted longer than American participation in World War II.) Also, it isn't clear that we have enough troops to really implement this new strategy of protecting the people. In some parts of Baghdad where U.S. troops now have outposts, the streets are quieter. Yet we're seeing more violence on the outskirts of Baghdad. And the cities of Mosul and Kirkuk make me nervous. I am keeping an eye on them this summer and fall.
The thing to watch in Iraq is whether we see more tribes making common cause with the U.S. and the Iraqi government. How long will it last? And what does it mean in the long term for Iraq? Is it the beginning of a major change, or just a prelude to a big civil war?
Amazon.com: You've been a student of the culture of the military for years. How has the war affected the state of the American military: the redeployments, the state of Guard and Reserves troops and the regular Army and Marines, and the relationship to civilian leadership?
Ricks: I think there is general agreement that there is a huge strain on the military. Essentially, one percent of the nation--soldiers and their families--is carrying the burden. We are now sending soldiers back for their third year-long tours. We've never tried to fight a lengthy ground war overseas with an all-volunteer force. Nor have we ever tried to occupy an Arab country.
What the long-term effect is on the military will depend in part on how the war ends for us, and for Iraq. But I think it isn't going to be good. Today I was talking to a retired officer and asked him what he was hearing from his friends in Iraq about troop morale. "It's broken," he said. Meanwhile, he said, soldiers he knows who are back home from Iraq "wonder why they were there." Not everyone is as morose as this officer, but the trend isn't good.
Amazon.com: You quote Gen. Anthony Zinni in your postscript as saying the U.S. is "drifting toward containment" in Iraq. What does containment of what will likely remain a very hot conflict look like? You've written in your postscript and elsewhere that you think we are only in act III of a Shakespearean tragedy. I wouldn't describe Shakespeare's fifth acts as particularly well contained.
Ricks: I agree with you. Containment would mean some sort of stepping back from the war, probably beginning by halving the American military presence. You'd probably still have U.S. troops inside Iraq, but disengaged from daily fighting. Their goals would be negative ones: prevent genocide, prevent al Qaeda from being able to operate in Iraq, and prevent the war from spreading to outside Iraq. (This was laid out well in a recent study by James Miller and Shawn Brimley, readable at http://www.cnas.org/en/cms/?368.)
Containment probably would be a messy and demoralizing mission. No one signs up in the U.S. military to stand by as innocents are slaughtered in nearby cities. Yet that might be the case if we did indeed move to this stance and a full-blown civil war (or a couple) ensued. And there surely would be refugees from such fighting. Either they would go to neighboring countries, and perhaps destabilize them, or we would set up "refugee catchment" areas, as another study, by the Brookings Institute, proposed. The open-ended task of guarding those new refugee camps likely would fall to U.S. troops.
The more you look at Iraq, the more worrisome it gets. As I noted in the new postscript in the paperback edition, many strategic experts I talk to believe that the consequences of the Iraq war are going to be worse for the United States than was the fallout from the Vietnam War.
Amazon.com: A year and a half is a long time, but let's say that we have a Democratic president in January 2009: President Clinton, or Gore, or Obama. What prospect would a change in administration have for a new strategic opening? Or would the new president likely wind up like Nixon in Vietnam, owning a war he or she didn't begin?
Ricks: Not such a long time. President Bush has made his major decisions on Iraq. Troop levels are going to have to come down next year, because we don't have replacements on the shelf. So the three big questions for the U.S. government are going to be: How many troops will be withdrawn, what will be the mission of those who remain, and how long will they stay? Those questions are going to be answered by the next president, not this one.
My gut feeling is the latter: I think we are going to have troops in Iraq through 2009, and probably for a few years beyond that. Indeed, I wouldn't be surprised if U.S. troops were there in 15 years. But as I say in Fiasco, that's kind of a best-case scenario.
Review
-Michiko Kakutani, The New York Times
"The best account yet of the entire war."
-Vanity Fair
About the Author
Thomas E. Ricks is The Washington Post's senior Pentagon correspondent, where he has covered the U.S. military since 2000. Until the end of 1999, he held the same beat at The Wall Street Journal, where he was a reporter for seventeen years. A member of two Pulitzer Prize-winning teams for national reporting, he has reported on U.S. military activities in Somalia, Haiti, Korea, Bosnia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Kuwait, Turkey, Afghanistan, and Iraq. He is the author of Making the Corps and A Soldier's Duty.
Product details
- Publisher : Penguin Books; Illustrated edition (July 31, 2007)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 512 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0143038915
- ISBN-13 : 978-0143038917
- Reading age : 18 years and up
- Item Weight : 1.26 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.04 x 1.17 x 9.18 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #113,235 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #84 in Iraq War History (Books)
- #205 in Deals in Books
- #660 in American Military History
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Because of the title itself, I expected Ricks' book to be a bit of a diatribe. I was in the main,wrong. Although he clearly believes, based upon General Anthony Zinni's assessment, that Saddam Hussein was contained, and the invasion unnecessary, Ricks, formerly a Pentagon correspondent at the Washington Post and a thoughtful liberal now working on defense issues at a think tank, is careful to give detail to his story. And except for an unpardonable cheap shot at Bush 43 in which he compares him to the old Yuppie Jerry Rubin, he is fair, even if he disagrees with others. He gives everyone their say if he interviewed them. For example, there is plenty of criticism of the rough tactics of the 4th Infantry Division, led by General Ray Ordierno. But he interviewed Ordierno and allowed the now Army Chief of Staff to air his views. Importantly, too, Ricks has great respect for the military, even a certain reverence, which is why it must have distressed him to point out so many flaws in its strategy and tactics.
While only covering 2003 through 2005, the book's theme is clear. Civilian and military leadership failed for a number of reasons, personal arrogance, lack of strategic planning, poor tactics and a misunderstanding of the type of war the military was fighting. Not only was the National Intelligence Report on the question of WMD dubious as to the existence of such weapons, there was no understanding of how Operation Desert Fox, a four day bombing campaign in 1998, crippled Iraq's ability to make chemical weapons. There is a small, although I think important sentence about the NIE. Neither the President nor Condoleeza Rice read the full 92 page report. That the President relied on a 5 page summary is not surprising. Some people absorb more through auditory learning, as did FDR. And presidents have a plethora of people with whom to consult on issues of national security. But the National Security Adviser relying on the same 5 page report? I find that astonishing.
General Shinseki's belief that 300,000 troops would be needed to invade and occupy Iraq was dismissed by Donald Rumsfeld and Paul Wolfowitz on the theory that all the troops had to do was depose the dictator, conquer Baghdad, and the rest of Iraqi society would welcome us with open arms. Speed would trump the concept of overwhelming force, commonly known as the Powell Doctrine. But Colin Powell was running the State Department, and felt he had to tread lightly over the field of military strategy.
According to Ricks, the suits at the Department of Defense were making their own war plans, never mind that is what the military is trained to do.The military itself thought it a conventional war similar to World War II, the same mistake made in Vietnam. The top brass never understood this war was different. There were exceptions like Generals Patraeus and Batiste and Colonel McMaster, now a major general, and the only one of the three remaining in the military. But they, highly educated and holding doctorates were exceptions. Most in command never understood the concept of winning the hearts and minds of the people. And of course, there were the terrible abuses at Abu Ghraib, another example of poor planning, which left the prison overcrowded, the staff overwhelmed.
So many failed, Rumsfeld, through his arrogance, which caused many in the military to dislike him, his Deputy Secretary,Wolfowitz, the quiet chief theorist who thought it necessary to create a democracy in Iraq, and Douglas Feith, who ran the policy shop. Tommy Franks was detached and uncaring, like many others, about an occupation strategy to pacify the country. He and Feith were particularly obtuse after the initial invasion.Perhaps the greatest mistake, personnel-wise was making Paul Bremer the head of the Conditional Provisional Authority. Much like the key Defense Department honchos, he refused to listen to others, not so much a diplomat, but an autocrat. Bremer decided to tear up the Iraqi military, police force and entire government structure, figuring he could rebuild them from scratch, never mind the population needed foundations to rally around. Of such mistakes are insurgents made. Unbelievably, during the occupation, there was no unity of command, a first principle of war. Bremer had certain powers, as did General Rick Sanchez, autocratic himself but a good man in over his head. And according to Ricks, they detested each other and stopped talking to one another.
There are some weaknesses here. Ricks believes that the war was a product of neoconservative philosophy, the foreign policy school that government, based on moral principles, should do large things. It is not that simple an answer. People can view issues from different perspectives and reach the same conclusion. Nor is it clear just when the effects of Desert Fox were understood by the military or the civilian leadership, before or after the invasion. Ricks relies on statements by the civilian leaders, he does not interview Bush, Dick Cheney, Rumsfeld, and other key government players, for some of which he has obvious contempt They were perhaps too busy to grant him audiences, but it is not clear what the Commander-in-Chief was being told. He omits entirely the statement made to Bush by CIA Director George Tenant that it was a "slam dunk" that Saddam had WMD, a glaring omission. Also, at an event at which retired General Zinni attended, Dick Cheney made the absolute assertion that Saddam had WMD. Ricks lays blame at Cheney's feet for making the war a certainty. But we really do not know the basis of Cheney's declaration. But his history was one of a man immersed in detail. So the question arises as to what the intelligence agencies were showing him, too. Vice Presidents after all, do not go out in the field and acquire intelligence themselves. True, Zinni says he almost fell off his chair at the statement, for he had kept his clearance to view highly classified information, and there was no such indication, but there is no showing he saw or was told the exact things Cheney might have seen or was told.
Much of the time, Ricks relies on Washington Post stories written by others. The book drifts a bit aimlessly after Bremer and Sanchez are replaced by better men, John Negroponte and General George Casey, who worked well together, although Casey himself was later replaced by Patraeus. Perhaps Ricks had a deadline to meet and could not shape the final chapters as he might have. Fiasco, focusing on a limited time period, does not cover the Surge, which was in fact the essence of strategic counterinsurgency, and brought a temporary victory, and what could reasonably be called a calm to Iraq. But given its scope, and the difficulty of obtaining information, Ricks has done an outstanding job.
But I wish Amazon would find an alternative phrase for a 5 star rating other than "I loved it." It seems inappropriate to classify books about real war and real death in the same way one might enjoy Rebecca of Sunnybrook Farm.
Ricks has put together an amazing compilation of the information and attitudes characteristic of the mid-war period. As such, his book contains insight into the angst felt by many prior to adoption of a more successful strategy. We all must consider the impact these attitudes have on America's ability to wage protracted wars.
Since that time the situation has improved on the ground. Our armed forces now better understand the necessity of a counter insurgency (COIN) approach, and more Iraqis have decided their future is better protected by our army (and marine corps).
Ricks provides very extensive information on what went wrong as the insurgency grew in 2003-2006. His book was widely read and no doubt influential in shaping attitudes for implementing a more appropriate approach to counter the insurgency. For this reason alone the book is well worth reading.
As Ricks did not have information on the strategic planning that occurred in Washington, he found fault without knowing the options considered. Douglas J. Feith's book "War and Decision" provides a useful companion and contrast to Ricks' work since it provides this insider's view, and a clear historic record of the decision processes leading up to and pursuing the initial portion of the Iraq war.
In retrospect it is easy to fault the President and Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld for failing to push the Army to adopt a counterinsurgency strategy at an earlier date. Earlier replacement of Bremer (head of the Coalition Provisional Authority) and General Sanchez (Coalition military commander) would have been appropriate. It appears that both the President and the Secretary of Defense over-reacted to the disastrous experience of a President and Secretary of Defense micromanaging the Vietnam War. Possibly because of this unfortunate history they were extremely reluctant to reverse decisions made at the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) and Regional Command (Centcom) level. (Ricks also points out that the Army unfortunately repressed or forgot the lessons in counterinsurgency for which they had paid so dearly in Vietnam).
Although Ricks never points it out, it is important to remember that the chain of command goes from the President to the Secretary of Defense to the regional commander (Centcom's Tommy Franks handled the invasion of Iraq). The Centcom commander can (and regularly did) react negatively to any suggestions for change that did not come directly from the President or the Secretary of Defense.
The Pentagon staff and the Joint Chiefs provide support and advice only, and are not in the chain of command. Thus, Wolfowitz, Feith and General Myers in the Pentagon could only make suggestions to Rumsfeld and the President. These advisors supported the President's world-wide vision of the terrorist threat with policies designed to reduce that threat. They did not narrow their vision to only Afghanistan, as many have recommended.
Some of the Pentagon's suggestions were adopted and others were not. Unfortunately (in my opinion) one that was adopted by the President was effectively countermanded on the ground by the head of the CPA Paul Bremer III. Bremer did not follow the plan to turn the Iraqi government over to Iraqi's as rapidly as they showed the ability to handle the ministries. He opted in favor of a longer American occupation to reduce the influence of exiled Iraqis in favor of a new indigenous political class. He also cut deeply into the available ministerial talent pool by excluding all high ranking former Baath Party members. The delay alienated many Iraqis and made the recruitment of Iraqis easier for the insurgents.
Also, because the CPA did not report to the Centcom commander, we had divided leadership with questionable lines of command. Rumsfield, the boss of both men, can be faulted for accepting this situation and failing to remove Bremer promptly when he deviated from the President's policy.
Ricks appears to forget that America usually goes into its wars with the wrong tactics and/or strategy. Early mistakes are almost a foregone conclusion since your enemy has studied your previous tactics and made adjustments to counter them. We usually bumble along, adjust and eventually get tactics that work inside the enemy's decision-response time (Serious students of strategy and tactics must read the theories of American strategic genius John Boyd).
Our superb non-commissioned officers and thinking soldiers have given us a real adaptation advantage over every foe except the Civil War Confederates. Tactical changes can occur in the field, but adjusting strategy is done with much greater care and requires careful communication to all levels. This takes time and can be seriously impeded by unclear or unrealistic goals. Although General Franks can be faulted for Centcom's weak Phase IV planning, his successors at Centcom and the CPA deserve more blame for hindering the pace at which we reacted to the growing insurgency.
After we achieved our initial goal, overthrowing Saddam, our strategy for dealing with the insurgency was unclear and unrealistic. Ricks' criticism of the delays in adopting the correct strategy are well founded, although his eagerness to assign blame tends to prevent a cool-headed assessment. His description of the demoralization and confusion that attended this period contains a valuable lesson for the next war. Ricks' book provides further evidence that although patience is required to succeed in these endeavors, it is not an American virtue.
The character and history of the Iraqi people also accounts for some of their refusal to support early American initiatives. It always takes time to convince the population of a conquered country that we will provide for their safety and progress. The cultural change and learning that occurred to generate the Anbar Awakening may not have occurred earlier. The purported religious affinity with Al Qaeda gave that group an entry until the Anbar tribal sheiks found any religious value overcome by their cruelty and depravity.
Our present success in Iraq may not have been possible several years ago even if the troop surge had occurred then and General Petraeus had been the boss.
Thomas Ricks has produced a must-read book that shows clearly the difficulties of the mid-war situation. He should be commended for his contribution to our eventual success! It is also a warning of how slowness to adapt can lead to discouragement and war weariness.
We have achieved many of our goals in Iraq, but only history will decide if our decision to invade was a disaster that created new generations of terrorists or a brilliant initiative to inspire and remake the Middle East. One can hope as Iraqi Member of Parliament Mithal Al-Alousi said recently: "By Allah, we will build a strong Iraq, which will be an ally of the West. Let Iran and all those foolish Arab countries listen carefully. Iraq will be the ally of the West, and will progress more than the Emirates and Singapore, and all the rest will come looking for work in Iraq."
If the MP's wish becomes the case, we can look back with appreciation at the decision to invade and the many sacrifices made to start the Middle East on a path toward a better future.
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El tono general de la obra es un tanto reiterativo - insiste una y otra vez en los mismos temas - y puede hacerse un tanto pesado, e incluso algo deprimente. Pero hacía la parte final de la obra se tratan de forma más concreta aspectos tácticos de la campaña, e incluso abre una cierta puerta a la esperanza. Los americanos aprenden de sus errores.
Sin embargo, en la obra se echa en falta el por qué. ¿Por qué se invadió Irak? ¿Cómo fue posible que unos hombres con tanto poder pusiesen en juego las vidas de millones tan a la ligera?. Estas y otras preguntas esenciales tan sólo pueden ser contestadas a través de un análisis ético de los actores de este drama moderno, y Thomas E. Ricks o bien no es capaz, o bien no tiene el valor para hacerlo.




