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Fighting for the Future of Food: Activists versus Agribusiness in the Struggle over Biotechnology (Volume 35) (Social Movements, Protest and Contention) 1st Edition
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When scientists working in the agricultural biotechnology industry first altered the genetic material of one organism by introducing genes from an entirely different organism, the reaction was generally enthusiastic. To many, these genetically modified organisms (GMOs) promised to solve the challenges faced by farmers and to relieve world hunger. Yet within a decade, this "gene revolution" had abruptly stalled. Widespread protests against the potential dangers of "Frankenfoods" and the patenting of seed supplies in the developing world forced the industry to change course. As a result, in the late 1990s, some of the world's largest firms reduced their investment in the agricultural sector, narrowed their focus to a few select crops, or sold off their agricultural divisions altogether.
Fighting for the Future of Food tells the story of how a small group of social activists, working together across tables, continents, and the Internet, took on the biotech industry and achieved stunning success. Rachel Schurman and William A. Munro detail how the anti-biotech movement managed to alter public perceptions about GMOs and close markets to such products. Drawing strength from an alternative worldview that sustained its members' sense of urgency and commitment, the anti-GMO movement exploited political opportunities created by the organization and culture of the biotechnology industry itself.
Fighting for the Future of Food ultimately addresses society's understanding and trust (or mistrust) of technological innovation and the complexities of the global agricultural system that provides our food.
- ISBN-100816647623
- ISBN-13978-0816647620
- Edition1st
- PublisherUniv Of Minnesota Press
- Publication dateAugust 5, 2010
- LanguageEnglish
- Dimensions5.5 x 0.9 x 8.5 inches
- Print length280 pages
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Editorial Reviews
Review
"Rachel Schurman and William A. Munro take a fresh and carefully balanced look at the social movement spawned by this technology. Anyone who wants to understand why groups across the globe oppose genetically modified foods will find this book revelatory." —Marion Nestle, author of Food Politics and Safe Food
"Fighting for the Future of Food provides a new and compelling account of the contemporary struggles over agricultural biotechnology. This superb depiction of the cultural and social lifeworlds of both the agro-industries and of the activists, simultaneously reveals the hubris and market ambition of agro-genetic engineering and of the formation of an oppositional ideology. A brave and unflinching account of the world of contemporary agribusiness and its opponents." —Michael Watts, University of California, Berkeley
"Compelling and eminently readable account." —Global Environmental Politics
"This volume provides an excellent account of many of the complex twists and turns of the GMO debates in the United States, Europe, and Africa over the last thirty years." —Contemporary Sociology
"With Fighting for the Future of Food, Schurman and Munro deliver an empirically and theoretically revealing, politically dedicated and very readable account of one of the biggest protest movements of today." —Social Movement Studies
"All scholars will admire the breathtaking methodology of the book, a fine example of conjunctural analysiswoven together by a coherent argument and clear architecture. . . . It must be read." —Economic Geography
About the Author
Rachel Schurman is associate professor of sociology and global studies at the University of Minnesota. She is coeditor of Engineering Trouble: Biotechnology and Its Discontents.
William A. Munro is professor of political science and director of the international studies program at Illinois Wesleyan University. He is author of The Moral Economy of the State: Conservation, Community Development, and State-Making in Zimbabwe.
William A. Munro is professor of political science and director of international studies at Illinois Wesleyan University.
Product details
- Publisher : Univ Of Minnesota Press; 1st edition (August 5, 2010)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 280 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0816647623
- ISBN-13 : 978-0816647620
- Item Weight : 12.8 ounces
- Dimensions : 5.5 x 0.9 x 8.5 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #2,806,945 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #1,066 in Agriculture Industry (Books)
- #1,236 in Environmental Studies
- #1,257 in Biotechnology (Books)
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The agricultural biotech industry has its roots in the work of scientists who, in the 1970s, figured out how to splice and cut genes from one organism into another. This was a scientific revolution and promised to solve multiple problems (such as increasing the rate of animal and plant breeding, raising agricultural productivity, and producing cheaper and improved medicines) while making handsome profits for the industry. Yet, by the 1990s this industry was reeling from transnational social movement pressure to regulate, reform, and even ban its products in multiple markets around the globe because of concerns for public health and ecological security. Schurman and Munro ask how these two widely divergent worldviews on genetically modified (GM) food came to be and how they shaped the trajectory of the technologies in question. What unfolds in this book is a powerfully argued, data-rich narrative that explains how one of the most politically and economically important industries was nearly stopped cold by a previously unknown and still relatively small group of social movement activists. This social movement succeeded in wresting the discourse and control over ag biotechnology from the private spaces where elite groups of industrial and governmental leaders and scientists made decisions, and forced it into the public space--literally into the streets--for consideration, discussion, debate, and sometimes a veto. In Europe, this meant that markets there were closed entirely to some GM products--a development that reverberated throughout the industry globally, and that seemed unthinkable a short time earlier. In short, this movement transformed what was previously framed as an unqualified social good into a troubling and critical social problem. Activists challenged the hegemony of science and profitability and injected a new set of values and questions into global food policy and discourse. Thus when certain African nations rejected international food aid on the grounds that such foodstuffs were genetically engineered and might have irreversibly negative effects on their local ecosystems and agricultural systems (despite a severe food shortage and the evidence of widespread hunger), Schurman and Munro noted that something of a global cultural change had most definitely occurred. These developments run entirely counter to uncritical notion that food aid has a positive impact on receiving communities and that increased food production is inherently beneficial to humankind.
At the heart of the book is the exploration of how the two lebenswelten or lifeworlds about ag biotech could emerge in ways that are so distinct and diametrically opposed to one another. Building on the work of Schutz, Luckmann, and Habermas, Schurman and Munro define a lifeworld as a cognitive, moral, and social construction that is collectively constituted in particular spaces of interaction. These lifeworlds develop when people interact socially, when they share ideas, and create shared meanings. Lifeworlds are sociologically significant because they generate and naturalize certain broad visions of the world, which in turn predispose people to behave in certain ways. That is, one cannot comprehend the activism involved in the anti-GE struggle without first understanding the lifeworld of those activists.
The lifeworld of the ag biotech industry supporter and the lifeworld of the anti-GE activist revolved around the same object, but came at it from a completely different set of values, assumptions, and goals. The countercultural worldview of the activists was rooted in their experiences as people who came of age during the birth of the New Social Movements of the 1960s. That historical moment was critical because it embedded the idea that authority should be questioned and challenged, that industry and government should rarely be trusted, and that feminist, ecological, non-imperialist, and social justice concerns should be at the center of any future developments in science and technology. Thus, these activists were motivated to fight patents for GE products and to organize demonstrations to remove GE foods from supermarket shelves.
On the other hand, biotech industry leaders and scientists share a deep and abiding faith in markets, technology, and scientific progress. They believed that increasing agricultural production would help farmers, bring critical food products to market, and produce wealth--a "win-win-win" scenario. Thus they were motivated to devote enormous energy and resources into developing technology and establishing intellectual property rights over scientific innovations. And they were baffled by activists' claims that what they were doing was somehow harmful to food systems, the environment, and public health. These opposing lifeworlds not only made it difficult for activists and industry leaders to communicate, but also created opportunities and costs for both groups across geographic space. For example, the lifeworld or corporate culture at Monsanto led to a disastrous attempt to introduce GE products in Western Europe, when the company refused to include GE labels on products there. European activists and consumers accused this U.S.-based company of stereotypical American arrogance and of being willfully ignorant of foreign cultures and values. This moment was simultaneously an enormous opportunity for anti-GE activists, whose lifeworld was affirmed by Monsanto's actions, and who chalked up another victory when removing these products from the market in Europe.
The research methods Schurman and Munro bring to this study are extensive and impressive. They draw on interviews, fieldwork, and documentary analysis that focus on the industry and the movement, taking both groups and lifeworlds equally seriously. They draw on a narrative and an interpretive style of analysis that is open to multiple causalities and that recognizes path dependency as a concept that explains not only "how struggles unfold, but also how the process of change lurches forward." This methodological orientation is particularly helpful because both the anti-GE movement and the GE industry operate at multiple scales, and actions and decisions frequently impact local and global spaces simultaneously.
This book will have a major impact on scholars studying social movements, globalization, food systems, environmental politics, science and technology, and political economy.
The main puzzle of the book concerns the remarkable ability of a small group of activists, without a mass base and facing inauspicious political conditions and powerful corporate adversaries, to effectively shape the direction of the biotechnology industry. Their explanation focuses on the very different life worlds of the activists and their corporate adversaries. It highlights the ways in which their respective ideological assumptions and cultural understandings provoked a sustained critique by activists of the life sciences industry and enabled them to exploit structural and cultural vulnerabilities of powerful industry actors. What I found especially striking about the arguments in this book was their scope and ambition, which required connecting disparate literatures, disciplines, and data sources to address a broad range of issues. The topics covered include the origins of an "integrated life sciences" industry, relationships between scientists and businesspeople, the social networks and biographies of those who created a critical community of activists, the construction of movement grievances and the sources of the industry's strategic miscalculations, the dynamics of political contention, the nature of government regulatory mechanisms on three continents, shifting public opinion about genetically modified foods, and the day-to-day lived experiences and cultural assumptions of both movement activists and their targets. Despite the wide range of topics and arguments, the book is held together by a powerful and coherent central argument about life worlds and industry opportunity structures, which constitutes a very important contribution to the literature.
