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Five Days in London, May 1940 Kindle Edition
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From May 24 to May 28, 1940, members of Britain’s War Cabinet debated whether to negotiate with Hitler or to continue what became known as the Second World War. In this magisterial work, John Lukacs takes us hour by hour into the critical events at 10 Downing Street, where Winston Churchill and his cabinet painfully considered their responsibilities. With the unfolding of the disaster at Dunkirk, and Churchill being in office for just two weeks and treated with derision by many, he did not have an easy time making his case—but the people of Britain were increasingly on his side, and he would prevail. This compelling narrative, a Washington Post bestseller, is the first to convey the drama and world-changing importance of those days.
“[A] fascinating work of historical reconstruction.”—The Wall Street Journal
“Eminent historian Lukacs delivers the crown jewel to his long and distinguished career.”—Publishers Weekly (starred review)
“A must for every World War II buff.”—Cleveland Plain Dealer
“Superb…can be compared to such classics as Hugh Trevor-Roper’s The Last Days of Hitler and Barbara Tuchman’s The Guns of August.”—Harper’s Magazine
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherYale University Press
- Publication dateSeptember 10, 1999
- File size2410 KB
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Copyright 1999 Reed Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to the audio_download edition.
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"Customers are raving about Five Days in London."—Amazon.com
"John Lukacs's account of five dramatic days in May 1940, when Winston Churchill and his Cabinet had to decide whether to negotiate or stand alone against Hitler, is a relatively compact book, but it has the power and sweep of Shakespeare's chronicle plays. . . . One of Lukacs's impressive strengths is a gripping narrative drive. He is lucid and splendidly readable, and furthermore, commands a host of dramatic characters."―Robert Taylor, Boston Globe
"This is a readable and rigorous little volume that is put down with difficulty in the middle and with regret at the end."―Conrad Black, Daily Telegraph
"This is as dramatic a moment in history as you are likely to get."―Forbes Magazine
"[A] word-of-mouth best seller (and Giuliani favorite) . . . [a] gripping story of how Churchill rallied the British at a crucial juncture."—Michael Glitz, New York Post
"Historian John Lukacs, who has written widely on World War II and on Hitler and Churchill, comprehensively traces the events of that long weekend, which culminated in Churchill's decision on May 28th to fight on, no matter what happened to France. He did not, in that weekend of courage and remarkable self-confidence, win the war, as Lukacs makes clear, but rather gave the first breath of the bellows to the desperate embers of hope for the Allies."―David Murray, New York Times Book Review
"Lukacs's scholarship re-creates with great immediacy the chaotic few days during which, according to the author, Hitler came closest to winning the war. . . . Lukacs concentrates on the struggle with the British War Cabinet, which pitted the Prime Minister, Winston Churchill, against the Foreign Secretary, Lord Halifax. . . . Churchill's stubborn refusal won out. The author's equally stubborn digging uncovered a stunning amount of defeatism and intrigue against Churchill by contemporary statesmen."―New Yorker
"New York mayor Rudy Giuliani says he has been reading and is inspired by John Lukacs’ Five Days in London, May 1940."—USA Today
"Lukacs, who has written about World War II in several earlier books, reviews the British record at this moment through hypothetical Anglophobe eyes. . . . [A] fascinating work of historical reconstruction. . . . [Lukacs] gives us much to ponder in this intriguing―and perhaps still controversial―story."―Stanley Weintraub, Wall Street Journal
"This gem of a book, the distillation of an important historian's life work, is a compelling antidote for those afflicted with historical amnesia."―Kai Bird, Washington Post
"Eminent historian Lukacs delivers the crown jewel to his long and distinguished career with this account of five days—May 24-28, 1940—that could have changed the world.' Lukacs posits that it was during those five days in London 'that Western civilization, not to mention the Allied cause in WWII, was saved from Hitler's tyranny.' . . . This new work focuses on these five days with a microscopic view. It is the work of a man who lives and breathes history, whose knowledge is limitless and tuned to a pitch that rings true."—Publishers Weekly (starred review)
"[Readers] are in for a treat that encompasses everything from grand strategy to British domestic politics, the behavior of King George VI and Queen Elizabeth to the gritty diary of George Orwell, and even the glorious weather of those five crucial days. . . . Five Days in London is political history of a very high standard."―Morris Williams, The Daily Yomiuri
"Nobody has done more than John Lukacs to turn the short history book into an art form. His masterpiece, Five Days in London, 1940, was immediately recognized as a modern classic. The wonderful clarity of his thought led directly to the clarity of his prose. Lukacs, an American professor of Hungarian birth and the author of nearly 30 works, is undoubtedly one of the wisest thinkers on the period."―Antony Beevor, Toronto Globe & Mail
"A page-turner. . . . Painstaking, meticulous, and fascinating."―America
"Lukacs has constructed a gripping narrative. . . . This is a must for every World War II buff."―Jules Wagman, Cleveland Plain Dealer
"John Lukacs is one of the most original and profound of contemporary thinkers."—Paul Fussell
"No historian of the Second World War has John Lukac’s range, acuteness, intuition. He has written great works. Now comes a masterpiece. In the Five Days in London weare present, moment by moment, May 24 to May 28, 1940 as the British War Cabinet ponders whether to seek terms from Hitler, or fight on. Alone. . . . 'Not only the end of a European war but the end of Western civilization was near.' In the end Churchill prevails—just."—Daniel Patrick Moynihan
"I consider John Lukacs one of the outstanding historians of the generation and, indeed, of our time."—Jacques Barzun
--This text refers to the audio_download edition.
Amazon.com Review
"Churchill understood something that not many people understand even now," Lukacs writes in the closing pages of his book. "The greatest threat to Western civilization was not Communism. It was National Socialism. The greatest and most dynamic power in the world was not Soviet Russia. It was the Third Reich of Germany. The greatest revolutionary of the twentieth century was not Lenin or Stalin. It was Hitler." By convincing his government that his view was correct, Churchill afforded Western civilization a slim chance at survival--no small achievement, and one well worth honoring with this fine study. --Gregory McNamee
--This text refers to the audio_download edition.From Publishers Weekly
Copyright 1999 Reed Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to the audio_download edition.
Product details
- ASIN : B007SWMZV0
- Publisher : Yale University Press; 1st edition (September 10, 1999)
- Publication date : September 10, 1999
- Language : English
- File size : 2410 KB
- Text-to-Speech : Enabled
- Screen Reader : Supported
- Enhanced typesetting : Enabled
- X-Ray : Not Enabled
- Word Wise : Enabled
- Sticky notes : On Kindle Scribe
- Print length : 260 pages
- Best Sellers Rank: #113,083 in Kindle Store (See Top 100 in Kindle Store)
- #27 in 20th Century History of the UK
- #71 in Political History (Kindle Store)
- #110 in European Politics Books
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This book is an analysis of personality, and also foresight and judgment of events as they were unfolding. People know Churchill will win his legacy here, so readers must tune in to certain words, phrases, actions, letters, wires, the directions not given or taken in France. The force of Churchill's personality and intelligence are key, as he was coming out of political isolation and still kind to Chamberlain. One of the most underated measures of Churchill's character, as well as dedication to the British Empire, is his short memory with the Conservatives.
A newly installed Prime Minister, Churchill, was presented with: France on the verge of defeat, the BEF bottled up on the coast at Dunkirk, no allies on the horizon once France was gone, an aristocracy that had some members who admired and/or feared Hitler, and a Conservative majority in Parliament which at that point tolerated is presence rather than enthusiastically embracing him.
The War Cabinet, Churchill and four other senior members of the cabinet, had to decide whether or not to fight it out no matter what, or inquire of Hitler upon what terms he would allow England to survive. That is at least how Lord Halifax saw the options. Churchill was resolute from the beginning -- any hint try at accommodation would lead to the eventual destruction of Britain and cement the Nazi map of Europe in place.
The five days in question follow a long debate among the cabinet, or chiefly among Churchill and Halifax, regarding the issue of whether or not to advance an overture to Hitler. Chamberlain played some role, usually siding with Churchill as the discussions progresssed, but holding the balance of power none the less.
Why is this debate important? Well, with the clarity offered by hindsight, it is now easy to appreciate that any attempt at purchasing peace from Hitler would have only meant a thus weakened Britain would have been added to the Third Reich later. In the spring of 1940, serious people seriously discussed this acquiescence strategy in London. If that strategy had been followed, it is possible that the English government of the time could have lost the war for civilization. Thus, the author's important point is correct. During this period -- this hinge of history -- Churchill did not lose the war -- and thus deserves history's gratitude.
Why did Churchill simply not force the issue? For several reasons. He was in the PM's chair only a fortnight -- the second choice of the King and the Conservative Party (Halifax, the first choice, had turned it down requiring one to appreciate either his selfless patriotism, divine intervention, or some combination of both). It was probable that a major disagreement within the War Cabinet would have brought him down and proved disasterous for public morale. In addition, any public hint that the War Cabinet was even thinking about an accommodation of Hitler would have quite likely retarded the English people's will to resist. (I can state from personal experience in assuming a political leadership role at the head of a divided caucus that in the beginning one must build political capital until a point is reached where decisive action can be taken by the leader because it will be supported, even it the decision proves costly or presents great difficulty.)
Churchill had the wisdom to know that his only choice in making the right choice (ie, rejecting accommodation and fighting to the end), required his moving the War Cabinet decisively behind his position through personal diplomacy and moral suasion. Churchill proved to be a master of this technique (interesting to view because he is remembered publicly for his defiant and blustery leadership, but he was quite the canny politico, too).
This book tells the tale in an interesting way. Each day is a chapter. The War Cabinet meeting summaries are nicely interspersed with background discussions of the participants, an overview of the political and military situations and a daily reading of public opinion (as gleaned from an early survey technique employed by the government and some newspaper and diary accounts). I would have preferred more discussion of the cabinet sessions and thought the daily public opinion discussion could have been discarded. However, this is a neat little book that should be of interest to any WWII devotee or political science student. The author does a good job and makes his case well regarding the decisiveness of this time period for human history.
Five Days reads like a drama. Lukacs has an introduction, setting the scene in late May of 1940, the dire situation of so many continental European nations falling to NAZI Germany, leading to the march on Paris itself. He then spends a chapter on each day. He closes with a conclusion, showing the immediate effects of the decisions, particularly on morale and military achievement.
What should strike the reader here is the very small geography of this book - essentially the City of Westminster, the high government offices in London, and the relatively small cast of characters. I think the author makes the case well that so few people were involved here, that the reader can grasp the personalities involved, and see the consequences of why people acted like they did.
The reader will come away with the lingering wariness of conflict from the British Conservative party, particularly from the King's favorite, Lord Halifax. The real conflict of this drama is between Churchill, who had just surprisingly become Prime Minister and who was regarded with real wariness by the Conservative leadership, and Halifax. Also, the reader will understand a bit of the native, grassroots British character, and why it did not collapse in the face of real pressure from Germany.
The reader should come away with a great lesson in how leadership, consensus and turning opinion are done, particularly at the high government level, through a fog of seemingly contradictory information.
Understanding the real hinge of fate here, the reader should come away with why World War II was fought the way it was, from this point forward, and why an Empire stood against a new pagan tyranny, largely based on its character.
Top reviews from other countries
All roads lead to Rome. Even if an agreement had been proposed with the Axis, it would have been voted down in parliament. They would never have stood for it, because Churchill was not the only one who knew what an agreement with the Axis would have meant for us, and so did the people of this Country .
Churchill would have resigned other than propose it, which the cabinet would never have accepted anyway, so neither Chamberlain or Halifax would have had their way.







