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A Force More Powerful: A Century of Non-violent Conflict Paperback – January 1, 2000
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This nationally-acclaimed book shows how popular movements used nonviolent action to overthrow dictators, obstruct military invaders and secure human rights in country after country, over the past century. Peter Ackerman and Jack DuVall depict how nonviolent sanctions--such as protests, strikes and boycotts--separate brutal regimes from their means of control. They tell inside stories--how Danes outmaneuvered the Nazis, Solidarity defeated Polish communism, and mass action removed a Chilean dictator--and also how nonviolent power is changing the world today, from Burma to Serbia.
Review
“A Force More Powerful challenges a longstanding myth that lies at the heart of much of the turmoil of the 20th century: that power comes from the barrel of a gun; based on convincing detail, Ackerman and Duvall dare to claim that nonviolent movements lead to more secure democracies.” ―Christian Science Monitor
“A skillful blend of sweeping narrative and tightly focused case studies, the book fills a vacuum in historical studies of the 20th century.” ―Philadelphia Inquirer
“This throughly researched and highly readable book underlines the contrast between stable democratic societies created by nonviolent movements and tyrannical regimes born of violent revolution. Recommended...” ―Library Journal
“...this book is an important documentation of non-violence as an attested historical force.” ―The Times Higher Education Supplement
About the Author
Jack DuVall is President of the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict.
- Print length560 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherSt. Martin's Griffin
- Publication dateJanuary 1, 2000
- Dimensions6 x 1.25 x 9 inches
- ISBN-109780312240509
- ISBN-13978-0312240509
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Product details
- ASIN : 0312240503
- Publisher : St. Martin's Griffin; Reprint edition (January 1, 2000)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 560 pages
- ISBN-10 : 9780312240509
- ISBN-13 : 978-0312240509
- Item Weight : 1.4 pounds
- Dimensions : 6 x 1.25 x 9 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #277,642 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #197 in Human Rights Law (Books)
- #252 in Human Rights (Books)
- #415 in Civil Rights & Liberties (Books)
- Customer Reviews:
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I grew up in the 1960s learning about “peaceful resistance” and “civil disobedience.” These terms take my thoughts to Martin Luther King and Mohandas Gandhi. You’ll read of the non-violent movements these men nursed into being, and about other compelling stories of people who used right, reason and universal ethics instead of guns and bombs to defeat dictatorship and disenfranchisement: Solidarity in Poland; Denmark vs. the Nazis, Argentineans and Chileans, South Africans and Palestinians, Filipinos, Salvadorans, and many others.
Two things make this book stand out. First, it presents non-violent conflict as a methodology that is divorced from a particular creed, flag or political ideology. Readers who can’t let go of strong geopolitical biases or religious beliefs may be scandalized by some of the people and institutions cast as “heroes” of the non-violent movements chronicled here. The authors are challenging us to get past our biases so that we can understand something more universal than our political or nationalistic preferences might allow, about the relationship between people and their rulers.
Many are familiar with the Enlightenment idea that a government’s legitimacy is derived from consent of the governed. Ackerman and Duvall want us to see this not as a slogan or even a noble ideal to which we should aspire: but as universal truth all governments ignore at their peril, and that any oppressed people group can harness in the fight to exercise their inherent human rights.
Second, the authors draw conclusions that guide people into changing the relationship between themselves and their oppressors. Along with successes, you’ll read about failures and of victories that could have been bigger had the movement been better-organized, more patient, better-trained, more committed to developing and exercising the ability to self-govern even during the struggle; and more pure in its commitment to non-violence.
Today’s cell phones and Internet provide unprecedented opportunities for the oppressed to get the story out and create a global movement to isolate the oppressor from the support they usually need to stay in power. Questions arise from this: Is every group who claims they are being oppressed and who take up non-violent conflict, worthy of support? How do we know the degree to which the things we’re given as evidence of the oppression are real or staged? The media has traditionally played the “curation” and “editorial” roles in deciding what is newsworthy and how it’s spun: can they still be trusted? The book may bring these questions into sharper focus.
It’s dense reading, and repetitive at times. Readers may want to slow down to understand the historical details that are less familiar to them, or perhaps to opt for the DVD version that aired on PBS. The attempts to relate the separate movements together sometimes help to clarify principles of effective non-violent resistance, and other times seem a bit forced. Those are the criticisms. The rest is all praise.
Good parents know revenge doesn't work with their children, good teachers know it doesn't work in the classroom, good citizens know it doesn't work in their community, and a growing proportion of the criminal justice world is embracing the vision of "restorative justice" as a much more functional grounding for most of their work. Even though the majority of people in the US know that revenge doesn't work, there is a lack of awareness of the power of nonviolence in the larger public arena, even though two thirds of the world's population has experienced nonviolent social change that was successful beyond anyone's wildest dreams in South Africa, Eastern Europe, the Philippines, Gandhi in India, the US civil rights movement, to name just a few case studies covered in this remarkable book.
As someone who has taught and worked in community centers in the highest crime areas of NYC and Oakland and directed conflict and peace studies programs for 80 public schools, a university, and several community and national organizations, I can affirm that people are hungry for the hope that comes from stories of nonviolence in action.




