| Digital List Price: | $27.99 |
| Print List Price: | $37.50 |
| Kindle Price: | $15.39 Save $22.11 (59%) |
| Sold by: | Amazon.com Services LLC |
Your Memberships & Subscriptions
Download the free Kindle app and start reading Kindle books instantly on your smartphone, tablet, or computer - no Kindle device required. Learn more
Read instantly on your browser with Kindle for Web.
Using your mobile phone camera - scan the code below and download the Kindle app.
Forced Founders: Indians, Debtors, Slaves, and the Making of the American Revolution in Virginia (Published by the Omohundro Institute of Early American ... and the University of North Carolina Press) Kindle Edition
| Price | New from | Used from |
|
Audible Audiobook, Unabridged
"Please retry" |
$0.00
| Free with your Audible trial | |
|
Mass Market Paperback
"Please retry" |
—
| — | $15.59 |
|
Audio CD, MP3 Audio, Unabridged
"Please retry" | $27.29 | — |
The Virginia gentry's efforts to shape London's imperial policy were thwarted by British merchants and by a coalition of Indian nations. In 1774, elite Virginians suspended trade with Britain in order to pressure Parliament and, at the same time, to save restive Virginia debtors from a terrible recession. The boycott and the growing imperial conflict led to rebellions by enslaved Virginians, Indians, and tobacco farmers. By the spring of 1776 the gentry believed the only way to regain control of the common people was to take Virginia out of the British Empire.
Forced Founders uses the new social history to shed light on a classic political question: why did the owners of vast plantations, viewed by many of their contemporaries as aristocrats, start a revolution? As Holton's fast-paced narrative unfolds, the old story of patriot versus loyalist becomes decidedly more complex.
- ISBN-13978-0807847848
- PublisherOmohundro Institute and UNC Press
- Publication dateJanuary 20, 2011
- LanguageEnglish
- File size15304 KB
Customers who viewed this item also viewed
Editorial Reviews
About the Author
Woody Holton is an associate professor of history at the University of Richmond in Virginia and a former Guggenheim fellow. He is the author of the award-winning books Unruly Americans and the Origins of the Constitution, a finalist for the National Book Award, and Forced Founders: Indians, Debtors, Slaves, and the Making of the American Revolution in Virginia, which earned him a prestigious Merle Curti Award for Social History from the Organization of American Historians. He lives in Richmond, Virginia.
--This text refers to the audioCD edition.Review
In a detailed, painstakingly researched book that examines the forces that fomented revolution in Colonial Virginia, Holton reveals a new view of Virginia history and a lesser-known side of himself.--Richmond Times-Dispatch
The main strength of Holton's book is his effort to place the actions of the Virginia gentry within a more detailed local context and to see them as actors who were responding to the material concerns that governed their everyday lives.--Law and History Review
The Revolution in Virginia is at last explained. The great menaces that threatened the Virginia gentry and that gave force to their revolutionary rhetoric have been effectively documented for the first time. Woody Holton shows most persuasively that armed Indians, rebellious enslaved workers, and democratically active smallholders were just as much active agents of the Revolution as Lord North and Patrick Henry.--Rhys Isaac, La Trobe University
This book gives us a brisk and convincing analysis of a region--and revolutionary leaders--we thought we already knew. Given the threats they faced, we can only marvel that those uneasy leaders ever succeeded in such a desperate feat as making a revolution in such a dangerous and divided region. As Holton shows us, they were forced to.--Journal of American History
In this tour de force, Woody Holton takes on a powerful image: (white) Virginians moving together into independence, united behind a patriot leader class. He shows instead how Virginians of all sorts confronted a shared crisis from their own points of view, how all of them influenced the outcome, and how living through that crisis changed them all.--Edward Countryman, Southern Methodist University
A fascinating reinterpretation of the coming of the Revolution in Virginia. . . . Each vividly detailed and keenly argued section of the book demonstrates how a diverse collection of ordinary men and women pushed Virginia's leaders to declare independence. . . . Holton's powerful and innovative book should influence the study of the American Revolution for years to come.--Virginia Magazine of History and Biography
[A] fine new book. . . . Where Holton moves beyond his predecessors is the large and colorful cast of characters that he includes in this story.--James H. Merrell, H-Net
An important revisionist appraisal of the factors from 1763 to 1776 that propelled Virginians to support the Revolutionary movement and independence.--Choice
Holton does more than transfer a familiar neo-progressive narrative of the coming of the Revolution to Virginia. . . . [He] portrays the coming of the Revolution in Virginia as deeply bound up with competing social groups--planters, farmers, Indians, slaves, and British merchants--all of whom pursued their own interests. His social history of a revolution emerging out of these struggles rather than out of civic humanism or disputes surrounding the imperial constitution complements Rhys Isaac's interpretation of cultural conflict in revolutionary Virginia.--American Historical Review
A challenging reconstruction of the trajectory which carried Virginia's gentlemen revolutionaries from resistance to independence. It will be appreciated by serious scholars of Virginia's revolutionary period; its lively style and wealth of anecdotes will make it an enjoyable read for anyone.--Journal of American Studies
This may be the most important book on the political culture of Revolutionary Virginia since Rhys Isaac's The Transformation of Virginia, 1740-1790. It is certainly the most provocative.--Journal of Southern History
--This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition.
Review
"Journal of American Studies"
[He] portrays the coming of the Revolution in Virginia as deeply bound up with competing social groups.
"American Historical Review"
The main strength of Holton's book is his effort to place the actions of the Virginia gentry within a more detailed local context.
"Law and History Review"
"May be the most important book on the political culture of Revolutionary Virginia since Rhys Isaac's "The Transformation of Virginia, 1740-1790."
"Journal of Southern History""
ÝHe¨ portrays the coming of the Revolution in Virginia as deeply bound up with competing social groups.
"American Historical Review"
This book gives us a brisk and convincing analysis of a region--and revolutionary leaders--we thought we already knew.
"Journal of American History"
May be the most important book on the political culture of Revolutionary Virginia since Rhys Isaac's "The Transformation of Virginia, 1740-1790".
"Journal of Southern History"
--This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition.From the Inside Flap
Book Description
--This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition.
From the Back Cover
Product details
- ASIN : B004J16WV2
- Publisher : Omohundro Institute and UNC Press (January 20, 2011)
- Publication date : January 20, 2011
- Language : English
- File size : 15304 KB
- Text-to-Speech : Enabled
- Screen Reader : Supported
- Enhanced typesetting : Enabled
- X-Ray : Not Enabled
- Word Wise : Enabled
- Sticky notes : On Kindle Scribe
- Print length : 254 pages
- Best Sellers Rank: #570,013 in Kindle Store (See Top 100 in Kindle Store)
- #415 in US Revolution & Founding History (Kindle Store)
- #1,439 in History eBooks of Women
- #1,465 in U.S. Revolution & Founding History
- Customer Reviews:
About the author

Woody Holton (Ph.D., Duke University) is an McCausland Professor of History at the University of South Carolina, where he teaches classes on African Americans, Native America, early American women, the origins of the Constitution, Abigail Adams, and the era of the American Revolution. He is especially interested in studying the impact of ordinary citizens on grand political events. He is the author of Forced Founders: Indians, Debtors, Slaves, and the Making of the American Revolution in Virginia (1999), which won the Organization of American Historians Merle Curti Social History Award; Unruly Americans and the Origins of the Constitution (2007), which was a finalist for the National Book Award; and Abigail Adams, which won the Bancroft Prize.
Customer reviews
Customer Reviews, including Product Star Ratings help customers to learn more about the product and decide whether it is the right product for them.
To calculate the overall star rating and percentage breakdown by star, we don’t use a simple average. Instead, our system considers things like how recent a review is and if the reviewer bought the item on Amazon. It also analyzed reviews to verify trustworthiness.
Learn more how customers reviews work on AmazonReviewed in the United States on June 23, 2018
-
Top reviews
Top reviews from the United States
There was a problem filtering reviews right now. Please try again later.
Holton discusses threatened slave uprisings and conflicts between Native Americans and the Virginia gentry through the role of debt and power disparities in creating and maintaining relationships between the gentry, those beneath them on the social ladder, and British merchants. Indians’ land claims and the Proclamation of 1763 threatened the future economic prosperity of smallholders and gentry seeking to secure land beyond the proclamation line. Without the ability to secure clear title to the land, both smallholders and the gentry faced the possibility of losing their investments and descending into debt. Holton’s choice to distinguish these investors from spectators challenges the assumptions of historians Theda Perdue, Michael D. Green, Freeman Hansford Hart, Norman K. Risjord, and others. The threat of slave resistance created a “permanent undercurrent of fear in the minds of most whites in the Chesapeake.” When the Earl of Dunmore threatened to turn slaves against masters and removed the slave owners’ access to gunpowder, he posed a danger to the delicate social hierarchy of colonial Virginia. Holton argues, “In a colony where 40 percent of the population was enslaved, there must be no cracks in the foundation of white solidarity.” Though much of Holton’s argument relies on the perspective of the Virginia gentry, a group he loosely defines, he successfully demonstrates how the actions of Indians and slaves initiated the gentry’s revolutionary actions. Despite focusing on the relationships between the gentry and groups subordinate to them, Holton does not write a bottom-up history. His source base, primarily written or published by the gentry themselves, limits the voices of smallholders and entirely silences the voices of African slaves and Native Americans. Instead, Holton presents the influence of Indians and slaves through the perspective of the gentry, who based their politics on the perceived threats of both groups.
Debt plays a pivotal role in Holton’s analysis of revolutionary Virginia. Holton writes, “Debt destroyed not only lives and families but the personal independence that free Virginians cherished.” Virginia planters were entirely beholden to the British marketplace both to import the goods they required for maintaining their social standing and to sell their tobacco. Even the profits they made from their tobacco were a result of the prohibition against growing tobacco in England. Though many in Virginia cautioned against overconsumption, Holton argues that the gentry could not simply cease purchasing goods from England. He writes, “A smallholder that stopped patronizing the Scottish stores or a gentleman that suddenly stopped placing orders with merchants in England and Scotland was, in effect, telling them that he had become a bad credit risk.” Amid such fears, Holton argues that non-exportation and non-importation, while useful to the Revolution, also helped the Virginia planters to drive up demand for tobacco and ease the impetus to purchase finished goods, for, while farmers’ “British creditors might disagree with their politics,” it “was better than having their creditworthiness questioned.” Holton writes, “Although the American Revolution in Virginia was in part the tax revolt we all learn about in grade school, it was also a class conflict pitting Virginia tobacco growers against the British merchants that, with the help of the Royal Navy, monopolized their trade.” While previous historians focused on the Intolerable Acts and New England’s motivations for revolution, Holton demonstrated that Virginia had its own unique reasons to challenge British authority, most of which resulted from threats to the economic hierarchy.
Responding to earlier historiography, Holton writes, “Studying the social context of the American Revolution reveals that historians of its origins have erred in taking a model developed for northern colonies and applying it without modification to those below the Mason-Dixon line.” Holton’s greatest success comes from this focused approach and how he subtly shifts the historiography to demonstrate that George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and the Lee family joined the Revolution to maintain the status quo in Virginia rather than acting out of entirely noble ambitions. Though the gentry feared the loss of power associated with a democracy, they eventually agreed to a republican government to prevent anarchy and mollify “the farmer’s wrath if they continued to thwart the popular demand for an independent republic.” Holton’s discussion with the historiography plays out in the format of the book. His organization works to clearly articulate his main argument and his use of footnotes, rather than endnotes, enables the reader to conveniently check and cross-reference his sources and his commentary on them. Holton’s footnoted discussion of the historiography features some of his strongest analysis of both his sources and his role in the discussion. In the text, he often takes for granted the gentry’s assumptions of lower classes, but, in the footnotes, he offers further evidence that would have bolstered his argument. Despite these critiques, Forced Founders contributes a valuable perspective to the role of the Chesapeake in the American Revolution.
Holton as describes how and why smallholders and poor whites contributed to the gentry's decision to declare independence. Servants and poor whites were even more openly unruly at this time then their enslaved counterparts. The boycotts caused shortages and riots among whites. Foreign governments would not trade with semi-sovereign British subjects, so the only solution for the ruling class was to declare independence. The gentry needed a buffer between their seat of power and the slaves/Indians; their solution was to calm the anxiety of middling and poor whites. There were many reasons that the white lower classes mistrusted the gentry. The gentry were trying to amalgamate independent-democratic volunteer battalions in to a large poorly-funded yet easily-controllable force that would cut down on rebellious activities. What was worse was the wealthy could achieve an exemption from service if they met certain requirements. Another major cause of mistrust was the disparity in pay between officers and soldiers that was nearly 11 to 1. Just as the fear of Slaves and Indians motivated the gentry so too did their fear that outside circumstances would cause poor white soldiers to revolt or change sides. There was according to the evidence that Holton presents a strong paranoia about finding a quick end to the war. The gentry also used this fear of public disorder to convince conservatives to join the independence movement, in order to regain control.
Reading the opinions of the conservatives/loyalist and the general discussion about what to replace the British system with was very intriguing. Most of these men feared a republican form of government, and losing the system of hierarchy. It is obvious that any one in their position would be inclined to protect their status, but for me, it is still Ironic hear these men talk of "tumults and riots" when referring to popular sovereignty. Besides their complete lack of faith in the common man, it would be unfair to say that there is not some truth to the notion that the people as whole will not always make the best decisions. However, what we learn in contemporary American history is that the founders sought to prohibit "mob rule", not that many of them simply wanted to protect an aristocracy, or worse that they had no faith in their "lowly" fellow countrymen. These fears as stated in the epilogue, were unfounded, the gentry class continued to dominate local and national politics after the war, and as Holton states, they were the Revolution's "clearest victor".
I very much enjoyed reading Holton's account of revolutionary Virginia. It was truly enlightening to read about the problems that plagued the gentry, who are almost always presented as invulnerable. He explains the class/racial dimensions in a way that doesn't favor any side and gives accurate testimony to the facts that have been omitted from modern history. We often don't even think of what ordinary Americans roles were during this time, and the addition of that knowledge is very important. I would reject the notion that Holton's argument is emphasizing the minor details too greatly because he acknowledges that the Revolution was about things like taxes and representation, there are already books about that and he is not denying their role. His book adds nuance and depth to a complicated history.






