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Four Hats in the Ring: The 1912 Election and the Birth of Modern American Politics (American Presidential Elections) Hardcover – April 9, 2008
| Lewis L. Gould (Author) Find all the books, read about the author, and more. See search results for this author |
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Imagine a presidential election with four well-qualified and distinguished candidates and a serious debate over the future of the nation! Sound impossible in this era of attack ads and strident partisanship? It happened nearly a century ago in 1912, when incumbent Republican William Howard Taft, former president Theodore Roosevelt running as the Progressive Party candidate, Democratic nominee Woodrow Wilson, and Socialist candidate Eugene V. Debs all spoke to major concerns of the American people and changed the landscape of national politics in the bargain.
The presidential election of 1912 saw a third-party candidate finish second in both popular and electoral votes. The Socialist candidate received the highest percentage of the popular vote his party ever attained. In addition to year-round campaigning in the modern style, the 1912 contest featured a broader role for women, two exciting national conventions, and an assassination attempt on Roosevelt's life. The election defined the major parties for generations to come as the Taft-Roosevelt split pushed the Republicans to the right and the Democrats' agenda of reform set them on the road to the New Deal.
Lewis L. Gould, one of America's preeminent political historians, tells the story of this dramatic race and explains its enduring significance. Basing his narrative on the original letters and documents of the candidates themselves, he guides his readers down the campaign trail through the factional splits, exciting primaries, tumultuous conventions and the turbulent fall campaign to Wilson's landslide electoral vote victory in November.
It's all here—Gene Debs's challenge to capitalism, the progressive rivalry of Roosevelt and Robert La Follette, the debate between the New Freedom of Wilson and the New Nationalism of Roosevelt, and the resolve of Taft to defeat his one-time friend TR and keep the Republican Party in conservative hands. Gould combines lively anecdotes, the poetry and prose of the campaign, and insights into the clash of ideology and personality to craft a narrative that moves as fast as did the 1912 election itself.
Americans sensed in 1912 that they stood at a turning point in the nation's history. Four Hats in the Ring demonstrates why the people who lived and fought this significant election were more right than they could ever have known.
- Print length254 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherUniversity Press of Kansas
- Publication dateApril 9, 2008
- Dimensions6 x 0.69 x 9 inches
- ISBN-100700615644
- ISBN-13978-0700615643
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Editorial Reviews
Review
"This book should remain the standard account of this contest for the foreseeable future."--Journal of American History
"Unquestionably the definitive work on the seminal election of 1912. Essential."--Choice
"This shrewdly argued and beautifully crafted volume illuminates the enduring significance of the 1912 race. The best book ever written about one of the more intelligent campaigns in U.S. history."--Michael Kazin, author of A Godly Hero: The Life of William Jennings Bryan
"The best informed and most trenchant study of this election yet published. Fluent, lucid, authoritative, it resounds with the politics of the Progressive era."--John Morton Blum, author of The Republican Roosevelt
"At long last, the 1912 election has the history it deserves. A splendid book. A remarkable and splendid book written with unfailing insight, balance, and fairness to all the candidates."--John Milton Cooper, Jr., author of The Warrior and the Priest: Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson
From the Back Cover
"The best informed and most trenchant study of this election yet published. Fluent, lucid, authoritative, it resounds with the politics of the Progressive era."--John Morton Blum, author of The Republican Roosevelt
"At long last, the 1912 election has the history it deserves. A splendid book."--John Milton Cooper, Jr., author of The Warrior and the Priest: Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson
About the Author
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Product details
- Publisher : University Press of Kansas (April 9, 2008)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 254 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0700615644
- ISBN-13 : 978-0700615643
- Item Weight : 1.12 pounds
- Dimensions : 6 x 0.69 x 9 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,548,991 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #2,031 in Elections
- #2,737 in United States Executive Government
- #9,744 in History & Theory of Politics
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Gould makes a few odd remarks. He twice states that Taft's absence from the California ballot ensured that TR would carry the state even without Hiram Johnson as his running mate, though his plurality of only 174 (out of some 600,000 votes cast) makes it clear enough that his win there was far from assured. But that's a nitpick. The book contains much interesting and useful information, notably the results of the Democratic Primaries, which are often overshadowed by all the sound and fury on the Republican side, though more was probably at stake in the Democratic races.
Gould brings up some aspects of 1912 which are often overlooked, in particular that it aroused far more passion among political activists on all sides than among the public at large. Not only was turnout sharply down in percentage terms - 58.8 as against 65.5 in 1908 - but only the fact that half a dozen states had doubled their electorates by granting women the vote would prevent the absolute numbers from also going down. There was also a remarkable discrepancy between the presidential and congressional votes. Of the 19.5 million who took part, no less than 4.5 million (almost one in four)' ignored the Presidential race and were content to just vote for or against their local congressman.
He also brings over vividly just what a long shot Roosevelt's insurgency was, and questions the common assumption that had he won the nomination he would have gone on to win in November. Indeed, the amount of time TR spent down South, in pursuit of (white) votes there suggests that he himself was rather clutching at straws. It is sad that Roosevelt (hitherto probably the most racially liberal of the three main contenders ' should have kept the Progressive Party 'lily-white' in vain pursuit of Southern support. For all the good it did him, he might as well have stuck to his principles. At times (and like one or two contemporaries) I find myself wondering whether he was entirely sane in 1912.
My only real annoyance is Gould's somewhat disparaging attitude to Champ Clark, saying that his corny image was off-putting to Eastern Democrats - though his two to one win in the Massachusetts primary casts sizeable doubt on this, and his even bigger win in CA suggests that Progressive Dems were quite ok with him. Later on it is suggested that Clark would have been inadequate for the challenges of domestic reform and WW1, though on the first point he was well-liked by congressional colleagues, so would probably have got as many progressive measures through as Wilson did. As for WW1, how well did Wilson do? After failing successively to keep out of war and to bring home a peace treaty acceptable to the Senate, he left his party in an utter shambles, to the point where it suffered near-annihilation (outside the South) in 1920, and remained in eclipse until resurrected by the Wall Street Crash. Could a Clark Administration have done any worse?
Nor am I totally convinced that 1912 "marked 'the birth of modern American politics." From what I can see, the Democrats had been established as the more liberal of the two parties since at least 1896, and the debacles of 1904 and 1924 clearly demonstrated that they had no future anywhere else. Outside the South, conservative Dems had nowhere to go except into the Republican Party. All 1912 really did was reveal the degree to which this had already happened, beyond the power of even a man of Roosevelt's stature to reverse. But it was a vivid marker, and surely destined to continue as one of the most written-about elections in American history. It will stand another look.
One final point. I couldn't resist a smile about the fulsome praise for Germany by both Roosevelt and Wilson. She was highly regarded for her social benefits and the treatment of her workers, and generally viewed as an excellent example to us all. Not quite what they were saying five years later. So it goes.
This is a nice short read on an interesting campaign. I think the author put some time in describing the four major candidates and parties, and how they game planed the election. A very interesting read.
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Gould makes a few odd remarks. He twice states that Taft''s absence from the California ballot ensured that TR would carry the state even without Hiram Johnson as his running mate, though his plurality of only 174 (out of some 600,000 votes cast) makes it clear enough that his win there was far from assured. But that's a nitpick. The book contains much interesting and useful information, notably the results of the Democratic Primaries, which are often overshadowed by all the sound and fury on the Republican side, though more was probably at stake in the Democratic races.
Gould brings up some aspects of 1912 which are often overlooked, in particular that it aroused far more passion among political activists on all sides than among the public at large. Not only was turnout sharply down in percentage terms (58.8 as against 65.5 in 1908)' but only the fact that half a dozen states had doubled their electorates by granting women the vote would prevent the absolute numbers from also going down. There was also a remarkable discrepancy between the presidential and congressional votes. Of the 19.5 million who took part, no less than 4.5 million - almost one in four - ignored the Presidential race and were content to just vote for or against their local congressman.
He also brings over vividly just what a long shot Roosevelt's insurgency was, and questions the common assumption that had he won the nomination he would have gone on to win in November. Indeed, the amount of time TR spent down South, in pursuit of (white) votes there suggests that he himself was rather clutching at straws. It is sad that Roosevelt (hitherto probably the most racially liberal of the three main contenders, should have kept the Progressive Party 'lily-white' in vain pursuit of Southern support. For all the good it did him, he might as well have stuck to his principles. At times (and like one or two contemporaries) I find myself wondering whether he was entirely sane in 1912.
My only real annoyance is Gould's somewhat disparaging attitude to Champ Clark, saying that his corny image was off-putting to Eastern Democrats ' though his two to one win in the Massachusetts primary casts sizeable doubt on this, and his even bigger win in CA suggests that Progressive Dems were quite ok with him. Later on it is suggested that Clark would have been inadequate for the challenges of domestic reform and WW1, though on the first point he was well-liked by congressional colleagues, so would probably have got as many progressive measures through as Wilson did. As for WW1, how well did Wilson do? After failing successively to keep out of war and to bring home a peace treaty acceptable to the Senate, he left his party in an utter shambles, to the point where it suffered near-annihilation (outside the South) in 1920, and remained in eclipse until resurrected by the Wall Street Crash. Could a Clark Administration have done any worse?
Nor am I totally convinced that 1912 'marked 'the birth of modern American politics.' From what I can see, the Democrats had been established as the more liberal of the two parties since at least 1896, and the debacles of 1904 and 1924 clearly demonstrated that they had no future anywhere else. Outside the South, conservative Dems had nowhere to go except into the Republican Party. All 1912 really did was reveal the degree to which this had already happened, beyond the power of even a man of Roosevelt's stature to reverse. But it was a vivid marker, and surely destined to continue as one of the most written-about elections in American history. It will stand another look.
One final point. I couldn't resist a smile about the fulsome praise for Germany by both Roosevelt and Wilson. She was highly regarded for her social benefits and the treatment of her workers, and generally viewed as an excellent example to us all. Not quite what they were saying five years later. So it goes.


