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Fragile Empire: How Russia Fell In and Out of Love with Vladimir Putin Paperback – Illustrated, March 25, 2014
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“A beautifully written and very lively study of Russia that argues that the political order created by Vladimir Putin is stagnating—undermined by corruption and a failure to modernise economically.”—Gideon Rachman, Financial Times
“Ben Judah, a young freelance writer, paints a more journalistic—and more passionate—picture in Fragile Empire. He shuttles to and fro across Russia’s vast terrain, finding criminals, liars, fascists and crooked politicians, as well as the occasional saintly figure.”—The Economist
From Kaliningrad on the Baltic to the Russian Far East, journalist Ben Judah has travelled throughout Russia and the former Soviet republics, conducting extensive interviews with President Vladimir Putin’s friends, foes, and colleagues, government officials, business tycoons, mobsters, and ordinary Russian citizens. Fragile Empire is the fruit of Judah’s thorough research: a probing assessment of Putin’s rise to power and what it has meant for Russia and her people. Despite a propaganda program intent on maintaining the cliché of stability, Putin’s regime was suddenly confronted in December 2011 by a highly public protest movement that told a different side of the story. Judah argues that Putinism has brought economic growth to Russia but also weaker institutions, and this contradiction leads to instability. The author explores both Putin’s successes and his failed promises, taking into account the impact of a new middle class and a new generation, the Internet, social activism, and globalization on the president’s impending leadership crisis. Can Russia avoid the crisis of Putinism? Judah offers original and up-to-the-minute answers.
- Print length400 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherYale University Press
- Publication dateMarch 25, 2014
- Dimensions9.32 x 5.59 x 1.17 inches
- ISBN-100300205228
- ISBN-13978-0300205220
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- Publisher : Yale University Press; Illustrated edition (March 25, 2014)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 400 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0300205228
- ISBN-13 : 978-0300205220
- Item Weight : 1.31 pounds
- Dimensions : 9.32 x 5.59 x 1.17 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,588,715 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #1,599 in International Economics (Books)
- #3,768 in Russian History (Books)
- Customer Reviews:
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The first thing that comes to my mind is how brave the author must be to go around Russia asking questions about Putin. From my understanding and this book that is a very risky thing to do since the primary purpose of the security apparatus in Russia is to keep Putin in power.
The book follows Putin from the chaos in post-collapse St Petersburg where he worked for a local politician through his election to presidency, the Medvedev years (which were actually the Putin years), and then back into his current stint in charge.
The book is not all negative about Putin, which is what I find most interesting. The oligarchs that took control of the energy and media companies were extremely un popular and Putin brought them to heel. This was in fact popular among much of the population. He also took energy revenues and used them to pay some salaries and pensions and bring some modest amount of stability to the poor. And Moscow was substantially re built with sky scrapers and other elements. He also resolved (for the time being) the situation in Chechnya by allying with the current warlord and this momentarily resolved a horrible active war that was being fought in an embarrasing way for Russia.
It is very interesting to see how close associates of Putin, even those in his Judo club and KGB days, have become billionaires. They have taken control of the energy infrastructure and then a swiss trading function is another source of his supposed vast personal wealth (unproven).
Judah talks to Navalny, the activist against Putin's latest election, and this is insightful because today Navalny is subject to a phantom prosecution designed to deter him from elective office. You can jump between the articles in the book and the latest news and this is very helpful.
There is a lot in this book. It covers an amazing amount of topics from coast to coast, including the border wars with China and the far, Far East. The author attempts nothing less than a comprehensive, border to border analysis of modern Russia.
Judah shows that Vladimir Putin, mistaken at first as a "reform democrat" who would pursue the broad Yeltsin policy lines of democratization, marketization, and integration of Russia into the community of democratic states, was instead driven by a resentful and ruthless ambition to restore Russia to a position of Eurasian hegemony, a counter to the West which in his mind had so humiliated Moscow at the end of the Cold War.
Repression and cooptation of the media, cowing of "the oligarchs," redistribution of economic power in favor of his military and secret police retinue, reversal of democratic electoral reforms, recentralization of power, undermining of the institutions of an emerging civil society and contributing to a rising tide of official and unofficial corruption: all this Judah analyzes as the domestic ingredients raising Putin to tsar-like status in the new Russia. Putin gained further nationalistic popularity by repression and war against borderland ethnic minorities. Booming energy prices fueled by the global economic upsurge paid for it all, and allowed the KGB man to strut on the international stage and begin asserting his neo-imperial and restorationist ambitions whenever opportunity knocked.
The 2008 economic recession struck Russia and its oil-dependent and now globalized economy hard, and Putin's popularity began to sour. Economic downturn, conspicuous and corrupt wealth, official lawlessness, electoral fraud precipitated organized opposition and mass street protest.
Judah sets the stage for today's headlines: to restore Russia's love affair, Putin had to find victory abroad, something to stimulate what Russians call "hurrah patriotism" at home to offset growing domestic disillusion. Maybe a "short, glorious war" if opportunity allowed?
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Le scoop des scoop en page 39 est le témoignage de l'ancien 1er premier ministre de POUTINE sur un banquet en 1999 du KGB/FSB à la Lubyanka : "... Putin proposed a toast with "great enthusiasm", before solemny declaring : "Dear comrades, I would like to announce you that the group of FSB agents that you sent to work undercover in the government has accomplished the first part of its mission."..."
Page 22, POUTINE sait se faire des amis, leur est loyal, est bon tacticien, page 121, POUTINE apparaît leader à l'école, page 114 il règne par la terreur, page 226 il est classé inconscient du danger à son embauche au FSB...
Avec un complément crucial page 263 : pour son pétrole, dont la production va baisser de 20% de 2010 à 2020, POUTINE a besoin de la technique de l'Occident.
Avec un autre complément crucial page 257 : POUTINE parie sur l'industrie de l'armement pour se ré-ancrer dans le peuple... façon HITLER.
Les autres points-clés du livre, nombreux, sont les suivants :
- page 3 : la Russie a le niveau de la Papouasie, du Kenya, de l'Ouganda et du Sri Lanka.
- page 24 : attaque éclair des médias.
- page 27 : POUTINE purge 1/3 du KGB pour la Famille (d'ELTSINE).
- page 32 : mort des enquêteurs sur les attentats du FSB.
- page 41 : prise de contrôle des télés de GUSINSKY et de BEREZOVSKY.
- page 52 : apologie du viol par POUTINE.
- page 76 : POUTINE fait lire par le procureur à son cabinet ministériel l'acte d'accusation de KHODORKOVSKY.
- page 180 : incurie complète de la gestion des incendies de forêts.
- page 182 : 80% des ordres aux régions ne sont pas exécutés.
- page 184-185 : la Russie est un océan d'inefficacité selon le discours de la base.
- page 200 : un pianiste fils de chef de parti a les doigts coupés et envoyés par la poste.
- page 210 : listes des rapports de NEMTSOV et MILOV, en particulier sur POUTINE et la corruption.
- page 221 : montants des pots de vin pour entrer en crêche, à l'école, à l'université.
- page 222 : blog de NAVALNY.
- page 226 : la Russie se perçoit comme une colonie de Moscou.
- page 232-233 : élections POTEMKINE avec 99,5% de votes favorables dans un hôpital psychiatrique.
- page 230 : POUTINE hué à une compétition d'arts martiaux.
- page 254 : avec la corruption, seuls les enfants de l'élite ont droit à une éducation.
- page 261 : salaires de l'armée et de la police x2.
- page 262 : financement des pensions par la dette !
- page 270 : POUTINE et KADYROV ont une relation purement féodale.
- page 273 : 30 Mds $ pour 30 millions de nord-caucasiens.
- page 275 : la Russie paye tribut au Nord Caucase !
- page 275 : 10 000 manifestants à Kaliningrad.
- page 283 : charnier de 30 jeunes filles à Nizhny Tagil, façon Ciudad-Juarez.
- page 284 : 500 000 morts liés à l'alcool/an.
- page 285 : "Russie Unie parti de voleurs" est le discours de base.
- page 294 : en Sibérie la Russie n'est pas souveraine économiquement.
- page 297 : effondrement de l'éducation.
- page 314 : à Vladivostok 20 Mds $ d'incurie.
- page 318 : 72% des Russes pensent à tuer les officiels corrompus.
Ce livre est une mine d'informations de terrain, du très grand journalisme.
Ben's writing revels in the absurdity to be found in Russia and he has a love of impressionistic language to describe what he has seen (as well as what he hasn't seen - always a dangerous literary choice as he is too young to have been there for the events of the nineties). This all makes it a rollicking read, but weakens its authority, and puts the book firmly in the polemic side of writing. But almost any writing on Russia I feel is to a greater or less extent not balanced. It's not the fault of the authors really, perhaps it's just that Russia is (in)famously a land of contradictions and the desire for book editors to want to shoehorn in certain narratives.
That said, this is well researched and has great travel writing, specifically his account of his journeys to the far east, arriving in places such as Birobidizhan and other provinces - they are wonderfully apocalyptic. The Russia that Ben finds is an extreme one. Certainly one wonders while reading the crazy characters that leap off the pages of this book how the hell this place managed to do anything, let alone establish the USSR. Perhaps I'm misreading his point, but if we take his arguments to the limit as his book seems to want to go, then Russia is a failure because considering all the natural wealth the country has it would be hard to screw it up. Shostakovich, Tolstoy, Gagarin etc is thus the lowest it could have gotten, and had another culture settled the lands of the Volga, who knows what grand achievements would have been achieved... I seem to remember my uncle saying something similar about the United States being a similarly wasted potential. Perhaps I'm being romantic, but I'm more inclined to the view that Russia is not a wasted potential. Russia will be back and it is the very Gogolian absurdity that Ben has a downer on and with which he paints such memorable images that is the same quality that allows Russia to exhibit such extraordinary non-linear behaviour, swinging from peasants to a world force in a few decades and now heading to resource curse dystopia. Don't write the Russians off in other words. Saying that, it's well worth the read.



