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Friends of Liberty: Thomas Jefferson, Tadeusz Kosciuszko, and Agrippa Hull Paperback – November 6, 2012
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- Print length344 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherBasic Books
- Publication dateNovember 6, 2012
- Grade level8 and up
- Reading age18 years and up
- Dimensions6.25 x 1 x 9.25 inches
- ISBN-10046503148X
- ISBN-13978-0465031481
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- Publisher : Basic Books; First Trade Paper Edition (November 6, 2012)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 344 pages
- ISBN-10 : 046503148X
- ISBN-13 : 978-0465031481
- Reading age : 18 years and up
- Grade level : 8 and up
- Item Weight : 14.7 ounces
- Dimensions : 6.25 x 1 x 9.25 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #734,334 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #487 in American Revolution Biographies (Books)
- #1,630 in U.S. Revolution & Founding History
- #2,388 in Black & African American Biographies
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But there is more. This refers to the last part of the subtitle: "a tragic betrayal of freedom in the new nation." Historians for a long time pointed to the contradictions in the lives and thoughts of the founders of the new nation. Jefferson probably gets the most coverage. Usually because despite his authorship of the famous words "all men are created equal," he didn't seem worthwhile to free his own slaves, even in his will (only a few were given freedom). Further, even when promoting (in principle) liberation of slaves, he didn't see them equal and able to live among the whites. His affair with Sally Hemings adds still another aspect to the same problem. Nash and Hodges explore the same subject through the fascinating story of Kosciuszko's testament. In his last visit to the United States, Kosciuszko asked Jefferson to be the executor of his will. The will designated Kosciuszko's American estate to buy the freedom of American slaves and contribute to their education. In the same manner, parts of his Polish funds were to be used to free his serfs at his estate in Poland.
Although the matter seemed simple, Kosciuszko's American wishes had never been fulfilled. Jefferson, who could have had use the money to buy freedom of his own slaves, struggled with making any decision and finally resigned his obligations to execute the will. Nash and Hodges focus on Jefferson, but don't neglect a broader context of the dispute. After all Jefferson was deeply involved in Virginia's life, society, and politics and the state was not exactly the most friendly to blacks. Unfortunately, Jefferson did not show the independence and courage to stand up to the Virginia's elites.
Kosciuszko wrote his American will in 1798 and he died in 1817, but the dispute over the will ended only in 1852 with the decision of the U.S. Supreme Court. Here we encounter another name from American history, Chief Justice Roger Taney, who is better known for the 1857 Dred Scott decision upholding slavery in the United States. The court ruled that Kosciuszko's will is invalid and the estate should be distributed amongst the Polish claimants. Although the ruling was technically based on the existence of multiple claims that arose after Kosciuszko's death, it is rather clear that the character of the will, the wish to free and educate slaves, played the key role in the court's decision. As the authors write, "usually a firm advocate of states' rights and a proponent of limited government, Taney veered from his philosophy only in the defense of slavery."
In short, the book is very interesting, well written, and discusses extremely important question of slavery in the early decades of the new American republic. Obviously the book will not satisfy everyone. Many will complain that Kosciuszko and Hull got an easy pass in the description of the disputes over liberty. Both are portrayed as heroes without a blemish, while Jefferson gets most of the criticism. Still, as long as one understands that objection, the book will remain an important read on American and Polish history.
What if the main framer of the first successful application of the basic "Rights of man" in recorded history had had the courage to apply rather than obfuscate the ideals he so apparently cherished? Would Grippy himself have lived to see his fellow African-Americans gain the equality under the eyes of man that Jefferson so eloquently stamped in parchment?
What could have been if only Kosciuszko had come back to the States to continue his ultimately futile attempts to coerce Jefferson, who had the power, to fully embrace and act on the ideals that Kosciuszko, who had no power, never wavered from 'til his dying day? Could the near-Armageddon of the Civil War been wiped off the books a half-century before it happened?
Alas we will never know. What we do know is that this rather intriguing trio of true Patriots, so integrally linked by their own experiences and interactions, makes for a fascinating insight into what CAN happen when lack of personal courage forces abandonment of principles. No matter how minor it may look at the time, the consequences of the betrayal of a single man's own principles can often be judged by history to be exponentially more consequential than could possibly have been imagined in retrospect. As it happened with Jefferson's twisted betrayal of Kosciuszko's final wishes, Agrippa Hull's influence on history was a wasted opportunity. And so it goes that the first "four-score and seven" years of this country continued to be stained by the blight of slavery, only ending at the expense of over half a million American lives.
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America's blacks and why their open acceptance in places like Stockbridge MA lead to New England taking the lead in the eventual Abolitionist
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