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Gender and Jim Crow: Women and the Politics of White Supremacy in North Carolina, 1896-1920 (Gender and American Culture) (Gender & American Culture) Paperback – September 23, 1996
| Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore (Author) Find all the books, read about the author, and more. See search results for this author |
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- Print length414 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherThe University of North Carolina Press
- Publication dateSeptember 23, 1996
- Dimensions6.13 x 1.04 x 9.25 inches
- ISBN-100807845965
- ISBN-13978-0807845967
- Lexile measure1530
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Editorial Reviews
From Library Journal
Copyright 1996 Reed Business Information, Inc.
Review
"Kirkus Reviews"
ÝA¨n eloquent book about the 'best' that we can hold up against political vampires in our own time.
"Nation"
Gilmore's finely crafted, engrossing book puts women at the center of its inquiry.
"Washington Post Book World"
This is an accessible, informative addition to an increasingly important area of study.
"Publishers Weekly"
"Gilmore's finely crafted, engrossing book puts women at the center of its inquiry.
"Washington Post Book World""
"This is an accessible, informative addition to an increasingly important area of study.
"Publishers Weekly""
[A]n eloquent book about the 'best' that we can hold up against political vampires in our own time.
"Nation"
An exquisitely written and conceived book about turn-of-the-century North Carolina.
"New Republic"
Review
Glenda Gilmore's stunning new book, Gender and Jim Crow, . . . turn[s] history on its head . . . with African-American women at the center. . . . Grasping the story requires a fundamental redefinition of politics and political action. . . . Women's history just doesn't look the same after reading Gilmore's work. Nor does political history. . . . Gender and Jim Crow is an eloquent book about the 'best' that we can hold up against political vampires in our own time.--Nation
A sophisticated analysis of race relations in the New South that places gender at the center stage and handles class with a deft touch. . . . Elegantly written, carefully argued, and well researched, this book is a model for future work in the field.--North Carolina Historical Review
An exquisitely written and conceived book. . . . One mark of a good historian is the capacity to surprise, and Gilmore confounds our expectations from the outset by casting Jim Crow not as the logical culmination of the benighted situation of black people in the post-Reconstruction era--the popular view of the subject--but as a catastrophic occurrence in a potent field of democratic progress in the late 1880s and early 1890s.--Christine Stansell, New Republic
Gender and Jim Crow demands that attention be paid to the pivotal role of middle-class African American women in the making of southern politics.--Elsa Barkley Brown, University of Michigan
Gilmore's varied examples provide a powerful portrait of the depth and scope of black political activity during this difficult period, as well as the relentlessness of the white supremacy movement, and offer further insight into the origins of the modern civil rights movement. . . . Gilmore presents her research with clarity and vigor. . . . The book convinces because of its rigorous scholarship [and] permanently revises the accepted history of the Jim Crow period.--Kirkus Reviews
Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore sets out in this book to reinterpret turn-of-the-century southern politics from the perspective of middle-class black women activists. She succeeds brilliantly. The book not only reclaims the long-buried stories of a group of richly compelling characters; it also redefines what should count as 'politics' in southern history and suggests a research agenda that could engage a generation of students.--American Historical Review
Glenda Gilmore's Gender and Jim Crow is one of the most intellectually exciting books I have read in some time; its contributions to scholarship are numerous and profound. She both makes vivid and compelling the lived experience of an important, largely elite and female, segment of the black world and provides new insights into the interactions between electoral and non-electoral politics, between politics and culture, between men's and women's lifeworlds--in short a veritable redefinition of 'the political.' This is a compelling rereading of southern history in the late nineteenth century.--Thomas C. Holt, University of Chicago
Gilmore's book is not only carefully researched and executed but also gracefully written. It should be required reading for anyone interested in southern history, political history, or studies of race and gender.--Journal of Southwest Georgia History
[Gilmore] uses gender, race, and class to bring to the foreground a variety of dimensions of political participation that are virtually invisible in traditional renderings, and she presents a view of Southern history that is remarkable. . . . [Gender and Jim Crow] brings new meaning and insight to a long-standing account of politics. It sets a different pace from a regional perspective--and, by extension--from a national perspective as well, of who we are now and, indeed, who we were then.--The Historian
In this stunning reclamation of some largely bypassed aspects of Southern history, Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore casts a vivid light on the nexus of race, gender and power in North Carolina from the late 19th century through the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment (which gave women the vote) in 1920. Gilmore's finely crafted, engrossing book puts women at the center of its inquiry.--Washington Post Book World
An exquisitely written and conceived book about turn-of-the-century North Carolina.--New Republic
A wonderful analysis of the roles of race, class, and gender in Southern politics prior to the 1900s, but also includes African American disenfranchisement and the woman suffrage movement in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. . . . Gilmore skillfully infuses the important roles both African-American and white women played.--Journal of Women's History
This is an accessible, informative addition to an increasingly important area of study.--Publishers Weekly
Gender and Jim Crow is nothing short of a masterpiece of Southern history. Rarely has political history been hewn so artfully from the timbers of ordinary lives. . . . Every Tar Heel should be proud that one of our own daughters wrote this eloquent and important book.--Raleigh News & Observer
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Product details
- Publisher : The University of North Carolina Press; 1St Edition (September 23, 1996)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 414 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0807845965
- ISBN-13 : 978-0807845967
- Lexile measure : 1530
- Item Weight : 1.47 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.13 x 1.04 x 9.25 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #434,928 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #203 in Women in Politics (Books)
- #1,100 in Civil Rights & Liberties (Books)
- #1,243 in General Gender Studies
- Customer Reviews:
About the author

Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore is Peter V. and C. Vann Woodward Professor of History Emerita at Yale University. Her newest book is Romare Bearden in the Homeland of His Imagination: An Artist's Reckoning with the South, published by UNC Press. Previous work includes These United States: The Making of Modern America, 1890 to the Present, co-authored with Thomas Sugrue, Gender and Jim Crow: Women and the Politics of White Supremacy, Defying Dixie: The Radical Roots of Civil Rights, 1919-1950, Who Were the Progressives?, and Jumpin' Jim Crow: Southern Politics from Civil War to Civil Rights. Gender and Jim Crow won the James A. Rawley Prize in 1997 for the best book in race relations and the Frederick Jackson Turner for the best first book by an author, both given by the Organization of American Historians. It also won the Julia Cherry Spruill Prize, awarded by the Southern Association for Women Historians and Yale University's Heyman Prize. Defying Dixie: The Radical Roots of Civil Rights, 1919-1950 (2008) was named one of the best books of the year by the Washington Post and a Notable Book of 2008 by the American Library Association. She has received fellowships from the Guggenheim Foundation, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the American Council of Learned Societies, the Bogliasco Foundation, and the Radcliffe Institute, among others.
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P. Abeles
Describing the Jim Crow South, Gilmore writes, “Southerners lived under a caste system in which skin color, class, and gender dictated the pattern of every daily interaction” (pg. 3). Conversely, “the first and second generation of freedwomen saw racial progress as inclusive, not exclusive, of those less fortunate” (pg. 4). Discussing the intersection between race and gender, Gilmore writes, “By the time black female children first encountered sexism, they were armed with an ideological paradigm: racism is wrong; therefore sexism is wrong” (pg. 20). Gilmore argues that education prepared women with the skills necessary to play an active role in the world. Further, she counters the current view of the Women’s Christian Temperance Union as racist, arguing that it played a key role for women in the South in fostering interracial cooperation based on shared gender and class situations. In education, Gilmore writes, “Unlike white women of the period, black women did not usually have to choose between higher education and marriage or between teaching and marrying” (pg. 43). Conversely, men increasingly tied notions of gender to race, resulting in the concepts of the Black Best Man and the New White Man, both of whom sought to represent the ideal masculine figure of their race and curtail interracial sex.
Of the white supremacy campaigns in the 1890s, Gilmore argues that historians have overlooked women’s involvement. She writes, “The Democrats’ campaign depended in large part upon white women’s cooperation. On the one hand, it objectified women and portrayed them as helpless; on the other, it celebrated their involvement” (pg. 92-93). In the case of black women, Gilmore writes, “Although, in fact, black women did cleave to a common political culture, one that privileged communitarianism over individualism, their tactics – how they voiced their beliefs and the forums in which they chose to act – depended on their class, their age, and the centrality of gender to their thinking” (pg. 93). Later, “after disenfranchisement, however, the political culture black women had created through thirty years of work in temperance organizations, Republican Party aid societies, and churches furnished both an ideological basis and an organizational structure from which black women could take on those tasks” (pg. 147-148). Black women used the authority of female moral suasion couple with progressivism – different from white women’s progressivism – to at in the political and public spheres. Race likewise played a key role in women’s suffrage. Gilmore writes, “Those white women who opposed their own enfranchisement took up race as a cudgel to attempt to win their fight. Before it was over, all white women – suffragists and antisuffragists alike – developed new political styles that took race into account” (pg. 203).
The racial progressive momentum of Reconstruction shaped educated African American women to uplift their race in an effort to improve living standards for their families, to open up opportunities for their sex for both races, and to change white attitudes toward African Americans. By accenting the life of Sarah Dudley Petty, Gilmore reveals that her activism as a "feminist" and as an African American was in contrast to white women because black women were responding not just to patriarchy but to racial oppression as well.
A famous example of how African American women hoped to uplift their race was through their work in the Women's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU). This organization provided North Carolina's black women "their best hope for building strong communities and securing interracial cooperation" (32). The WCTU became a point of mutually for both whites and blacks to improve community and gender equality. When black men voted, white women welcomed and sought out the activism of black women. Political circumstance for both groups of women afforded a glimmer of hope that racial equality was possible, however, as the political circumstance changed under the swagger of Jim Crow, white WCTU members got behind white supremacist leaders.
Gilmore explains the gender construction of whites was molded by the downturn of the economy. As hard times hit the North Carolina agrarian economy, a reconsideration of racial parity was in quick demand and an explicit white supremacy movement formed to deny blacks all their gains from Reconstruction. The "New White Men" sought to reconstruct racial interaction, and in particular sexual interaction between the "races." Gilmore reveals that the White New Man effectively created a social norm where it was no longer a demonstration of strength to have sex with a black woman but a sign of weakness. New White Men now expected white women, across class boundaries, to be wholesome and chaste in order to maintain racial purity. In turn, white women began to hold the White New Men culpable for the previous generation that allowed for racial miscegenation transgressions. Such feminine pressure as expressed by the Waddell women, Gilmore argues, supplied the once ineffectual Alfred Waddell to lead the Wilmington slaughter and take the office of mayor of Wilmington.
In the dismal days after the successful drive of disenfranchisement, when black men were pushed out of the political and civic circles, Gilmore fruitfully uncovers how black women advanced the condition of African Americans. African American women took charge amidst the Progressive Era in women's missionary societies and volunteer organizations. Gilmore demonstrates how Black women were instrumental in the rise of the welfare state and how they shrewdly created political ties with white women in un-seemingly apolitical fashion.
Gilmore's reconstruction of a microcosm of race relations in North Carolina has revealed the larger aggregate on America's shameful history of racism and misogyny. Her emphasis on social influences of gender construction affords an effective analysis of the vibrancy of agency within the seemingly impregnable shadow of structure.


