Enjoy fast, free delivery, exclusive deals, and award-winning movies & TV shows with Prime
Try Prime
and start saving today with fast, free delivery
Amazon Prime includes:
Fast, FREE Delivery is available to Prime members. To join, select "Try Amazon Prime and start saving today with Fast, FREE Delivery" below the Add to Cart button.
Amazon Prime members enjoy:- Cardmembers earn 5% Back at Amazon.com with a Prime Credit Card.
- Unlimited Free Two-Day Delivery
- Instant streaming of thousands of movies and TV episodes with Prime Video
- A Kindle book to borrow for free each month - with no due dates
- Listen to over 2 million songs and hundreds of playlists
- Unlimited photo storage with anywhere access
Important: Your credit card will NOT be charged when you start your free trial or if you cancel during the trial period. If you're happy with Amazon Prime, do nothing. At the end of the free trial, your membership will automatically upgrade to a monthly membership.
Buy new:
$30.05$30.05
FREE delivery: Tuesday, Jan 30 on orders over $35.00 shipped by Amazon.
Ships from: Amazon Sold by: WHITE BLUE BALL
Buy used: $8.00
Other Sellers on Amazon
+ $3.99 shipping
94% positive over last 12 months
FREE Shipping
98% positive over last 12 months
97% positive over last 12 months
Download the free Kindle app and start reading Kindle books instantly on your smartphone, tablet, or computer - no Kindle device required.
Read instantly on your browser with Kindle for Web.
Using your mobile phone camera - scan the code below and download the Kindle app.
Follow the author
OK
George F. Kennan: An American Life Hardcover – November 10, 2011
Purchase options and add-ons
Winner of the National Book Critics Circle Award
Selected by The New York Times Book Review as a Notable Book of the Year
Drawing on extensive interviews with George Kennan and exclusive access to his archives, an eminent scholar of the Cold War delivers a revelatory biography of its troubled mastermind.
In the late 1940s, George Kennan wrote two documents, the "Long Telegram" and the "X Article," which set forward the strategy of containment that would define U.S. policy toward the Soviet Union for the next four decades. This achievement alone would qualify him as the most influential American diplomat of the Cold War era. But he was also an architect of the Marshall Plan, a prizewinning historian, and would become one of the most outspoken critics of American diplomacy, politics, and culture during the last half of the twentieth century. Now the full scope of Kennan's long life and vast influence is revealed by one of today's most important Cold War scholars.
Yale historian John Lewis Gaddis began this magisterial history almost thirty years ago, interviewing Kennan frequently and gaining complete access to his voluminous diaries and other personal papers. So frank and detailed were these materials that Kennan and Gaddis agreed that the book would not appear until after Kennan's death. It was well worth the wait: the journals give this book a breathtaking candor and intimacy that match its century-long sweep.
We see Kennan's insecurity as a Midwesterner among elites at Princeton, his budding dissatisfaction with authority and the status quo, his struggles with depression, his gift for satire, and his sharp insights on the policies and people he encountered. Kennan turned these sharp analytical gifts upon himself, even to the point of regularly recording dreams. The result is a remarkably revealing view of how this greatest of Cold War strategists came to doubt his strategy and always doubted himself.
This is a landmark work of history and biography that reveals the vast influence and rich inner landscape of a life that both mirrored and shaped the century it spanned.
- Print length800 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherPenguin Press
- Publication dateNovember 10, 2011
- Dimensions6.5 x 1.6 x 9.5 inches
- ISBN-101594203121
- ISBN-13978-1594203121
The Amazon Book Review
Book recommendations, author interviews, editors' picks, and more. Read it now.
Frequently bought together

Similar items that may ship from close to you
Editorial Reviews
About the Author
Product details
- Publisher : Penguin Press; First Edition (November 10, 2011)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 800 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1594203121
- ISBN-13 : 978-1594203121
- Item Weight : 2.56 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.5 x 1.6 x 9.5 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #507,575 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #344 in International Diplomacy (Books)
- #3,875 in United States Biographies
- #13,684 in World History (Books)
- Customer Reviews:
Important information
To report an issue with this product or seller, click here.
About the author

Discover more of the author’s books, see similar authors, read author blogs and more
Customer reviews
Customer Reviews, including Product Star Ratings help customers to learn more about the product and decide whether it is the right product for them.
To calculate the overall star rating and percentage breakdown by star, we don’t use a simple average. Instead, our system considers things like how recent a review is and if the reviewer bought the item on Amazon. It also analyzed reviews to verify trustworthiness.
Learn more how customers reviews work on Amazon-
Top reviews
Top reviews from the United States
There was a problem filtering reviews right now. Please try again later.
John Gaddis, one of the country's most accomplished students of the Cold War, is exceptionally able to write the definitive biography of Kennan. Professor Gaddis had the sole access to Kennan's papers and, over a period of twenty years, to Kennan himself. This has given him the ability to know the living man, to explore his thoughts - many of which changed substantively over Kennan's unusually long life -- in great detail, and to interview the major people in Kennan's life, his family, his friends, and many of the most important government officials in the United States and Europe who dealt with Kennan.
I found this biography to be one of the finest biography I have ever read for several reasons. I emerged with an understanding of the great role played by Kennan in teaching the United States government how the Soviet Union worked, what its objectives were, the methods that would be used by the Soviets, and how the United States should deal with this threat. He described what had to be done to contain the Soviet ambition, as it subverted and dominated almost all of Eastern Europe. He did this in the form of a long telegram to the State Department, sent in February 1946, only six months after the end of World War II. The thoughtfulness, perceptivity and clarity of the telegram had an effect on American policy for the remainder of the Cold War, up to the dismantlement of the Russian domination of Eastern Europe, beginning in the Reagan administration more than 30 years later.
Kennan was not an easy man; he had his faults, which Professor Gaddis discusses with the same evenness as he discusses his unique talents. Kennan was intensely insecure, an egotist, prickly, and at times arrogant. He had a difficult family life, although he deeply loved his wife, Annelise; their marriage incredibly lasted 74 years. Despite the fact that Kennan lived to the age of 101, he was almost continuously ill. His views changed many times, diverging entirely from earlier viewpoints and then frequently doubling back to the original pattern of thought. His attitudes and knowledge of the United States - its culture, its politics, its people - were crabby and dismissive. In fact, in some cases they were outright strange. At one point he decided that the United States should be divided into two countries, one comprising the Southern and Western states and the other made up of the Eastern and Midwest states. His knowledge of the Russian mind was, in fact, far more delicate and nuanced than his feel for the American mind.
This biography is just plain great. In every respect, I admired it. Gaddis' book treats the long scope of Kennan's life fairly and honestly. It is extremely well written, both in its clarity and, even more, in its ability to probe deeply into how Kennan's mind worked. Parts of the book, particularly those that deal with Kennan's inner thoughts, many of which are expressed in verse, are unbelievably moving. Although the book is long, at almost 700 pages, I only put it down with reluctance. I wanted to hear Gaddis tell me more about Kennan and his times.
Kennan was trained in the US diplomatic corps that went to Russia in 1933 to open up the diplomatic channels with the Communistic USSR. From that point on Kennan became not only a student of the Russian way of life but he totally immersed himself in the Russian culture. In doing this he learned of the mindset of the Russians and he learned of the political culture that was Stalin's Communistic government. He took this mission seriously and developed a thesis and the real fears and trepidations that concerned Stalin's government.
However expert Kennan became in the governance of the Communists in Russia he found himself a prisoner of the diplomatic corps which was stationed in Berlin. This was at the onset of America's entrance into the European War in 1941 and remained in Berlin as a diplomatic prisoner of the Nazis onto 1942. Back to Moscow after the War, Kennan was asked to assess the mindset and attitudes of the USSR. Not only did Kennan answer his superiors in Washington, he in fact laid the policy groundwork to handle the next 44 years of the Cold War. This instrument was referred to as the Long Telegram in which Kennan not only assessed the mindset of the Russian people he analyzed the Communists and advised Washington how to proceed with the USSR. Several issues were brought up such as terms which are now very familiar in Cold War jargon such lingo as spheres of influence and the utilization of containment to avoid military conflict. Within a period of several months much of the US foreign policy was adapted from the Long Telegram. After the Long Telegram Kennan headed up a Policy Planning staff who was instrumental in advising the Secretary of States that being Marshall and Acheson. Such policies such as the Marshall Plan and much of the Truman Doctrine emanate from the Policy Planning staff headed up by Kennan.
Gaddis shows Kennan disagreeing with the Truman administration in wanting to withdraw its troops in occupied Germany, while Truman was adamant in keeping the troops in Europe. However with the Berlin blockade and the subsequent Berlin Airlift brought Cold War tensions to a high level. Kennan also disagreed with the formation of NATO. It was Kennan's thesis that the USSR only wanted an Eastern buffer zone and did not want to advance further west because as Kennan saw it the Communist plan was inefficient and was doomed in the near future. In hindsight he was right, but in reality the Berlin Blockade, the formation of the Berlin Wall and the formation of the Warsaw Pact only made containment and later détente very difficult.
Gaddis shows us an extremely intelligent man who many times doubted himself but always told his mind. He was definitely not a politician. He was intelligent, analytical, a true historian and a man of many contradictions. He was the steady hand of reason on the US side of the Cold War. He opposed going into North Korea after the Inchon landings, he was against the Vietnam War and he thought the Bay of Pigs was a travesty.
Kennan lived a long life and Gaddis needed many pages just to review this great life. Gaddis shows a great life complete with his successes and foibles. To really learn of the processes and policies of the Cold War and go into a truly great mind who helped to steer the ship, this is the book to read.
Top reviews from other countries
This biography - 30 years in the making and approved by Kennan (although he did not live to read it) - is a major achievement: beautifully written, even-handed and comfortably grounded in the complexities of events that span many decades. Kennan is not glorified, but he is sympathetically understood. Intellectually, the challenge of understanding Kennan is more formidable than might occur to some who associate him with just one idea: the policy of 'containment' to check the power of the Soviet Union after 1945. As Gaddis makes clear, Kennan was as often as not a dissenter from his own foreign policy formulae. Despite his image as a conservative theorist (his social values were consistently ultra-conservative) in international relations, Kennan opposed the American involvement in Vietnam and was an early advocate of nuclear disarmament. During the Reagan years, he saw more danger in American actions than those of the Soviet leadership (for instance, he regarded the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan as a defensive measure). Little wonder that almost every President, from Roosevelt to Bush Sr, and their Secretaries of State, were at some point driven to distraction by Kennan's goadings. Exceptions were Kennedy (who never failed to stroke Kennan's ego) and Marshall (his first great mentor).
Kennan agonised throughout his career over his apparent lack of influence on policy making and yet, in his old age, he had a sufficiently grand sense of self-importance to declare an end to his efforts to 'save civilization'. In summing up Kennan's importance to future generations, Gaddis gives as much weight to his literary talents as an historian and diarist as he does to his policy insights. Kennan was a consistently elegant writer, not a consistently elegant thinker. Lack of consistency, lack of theory, however, is not something Gaddis wishes to hold against him. If anything, it is regarded as an intellectual and personal strength, allowing Kennan to be right EVENTUALLY on the most important issues. Time, of course, is the enemy of politics - hence the limited usefulness of such an individual to a system driven by news cycles, election cycles, provincialism and the catch-all political slogan. Kennan, more than once in his career, wished for an America free of all these constraints - a (more) totalitarian or elitist system of government - although he also understood the risks inherent in using the same methods against the enemy that he was using against you. He was, by temperament, pessimistic. He could not imagine a successful black majority government in South Africa; he could not imagine the full participation of African Americans in the life of his own nation; he could not imagine the Holocaust; he could not, despite having urged its adoption as a policy objective in the 1940s, welcome the successful reunification of Germany in the 1990s. His lack of imagination on the issue of race and on how to respond to the desire of other peoples for 'American' prosperity in a sense confirms Kennan's fascinating story to be, with all its flaws and genius, 'an American life'.
One caveat in regard to the quality of the book's analysis must, I think, be mentioned. Kennan (and Gaddis essentially endorses this judgment) considered his policy advice following a trip to Japan in 1948 was instrumental in bringing about the so-called 'reverse course' in the way the Allied occupation was conducted (by reviving the economy and allowing some purged former leaders back into public life). The evidence, however, suggests this change of direction was already underway before Kennan's visit. Certainly, his observations gave them added momentum - but they did not bring them about.









