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The Greater Generation: In Defense of the Baby Boom Legacy Paperback – March 6, 2007
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"Lenny Steinhorn presents compelling evidence that Boomers significantly shaped―and improved―their times. This is a counterintuitive examination of a generation that is far more complex and far more influential than is commonly believed."
―Frank Senso, former CNN Washington bureau chief
While the Greatest Generation deserves our praise for surviving the Depression and fighting in World War II, the Baby Boomers, this book argues, are in many ways as great a generation―if not greater―for how they have advanced equality and freedom at home. It's fashionable to mock Boomers as self-involved and materialistic. But what really is the true legacy of the Boomers?
To understand how Boomers have changed America, think back to the 1950s―but without the nostalgia. Women were kept at home, minorities were denied their dignity, homosexuality was a crime, and anyone who marched to a different drummer was labeled un-American and viewed as a threat.
Today we live in a far more open, inclusive, tolerant, and equal America than at any other time in our history. And that's because Baby Boomers, from the Sixties onward, have fought a great cultural war to free America from its prejudices, inequalities, and fears. The Greater Generation tells the story of this generation's accomplishments―and finally gives Boomers their due.
"The Greater Generation reminds us that today's legacy of social justice, diversity, and individual freedom didn't just fall from the sky; it's a consequence of a hard-fought progressive struggle fought on the home front by a morally engaged American generation."
―Marty Kaplan, Air America radio host and director of the Norman Lear Center at the University of Southern Califormnia Annenberg School for Communication
- Print length336 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- Publication dateMarch 6, 2007
- Dimensions5.5 x 0.76 x 8.5 inches
- ISBN-100312326416
- ISBN-13978-0312326418
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Editorial Reviews
About the Author
Leonard Steinhorn is a professor of communication at American University, where he teaches politics, media, and culture. He has written for major media, including The Washington Post, Baltimore Sun, International Herald Tribune, Salon.com, and History News Network, and he appears frequently on broadcast news shows. He is a former political speechwriter and is coauthor of By the Color of Our Skin, a critically acclaimed book on race relations.
Product details
- Publisher : St. Martin's Griffin (March 6, 2007)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 336 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0312326416
- ISBN-13 : 978-0312326418
- Item Weight : 15.4 ounces
- Dimensions : 5.5 x 0.76 x 8.5 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #2,763,299 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #73,752 in World History (Books)
- #108,104 in United States History (Books)
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Steinhorn posits a world where his generation brought the US out of the Dark Ages of GI generation tyranny. His clear bias and self congratulation for accomplishing everything is evident on nearly every page. While references for the counterculture of the 60s is drawn from GI generation contributors such as Betty Friedman, recognized as a forerunner of the Boomer's feminism in the 70s, no mention is made of Boomer feminists Catherine MacKinnon and Andrea Dworkin of the “porn is rape” movement of the 1990s. Friedman participated in none of the man-bashing of the Boomer feminists and this was their primary contribution to feminism in the 1990s when Boomers were firmly established in business and politics. Boomers ignored such growing problems as actual domestic violence and sexual abuse in our military and high-level politics and this narrative ignores these developments as well. There is no review of Clinton's Protection of Marriage Act or the Don't Ask Don't Tell rule for gays in the military. Conservative embraces like these are viewed as right-show wing propaganda even though it was a product of a Democratic Boomer administration. Polls show how liberal Americans are so election results and legislation must be invalid measures of public opinion.
Polls of many kinds are crucial to Steinhorn's presentation of the GI's unenlightened views on race, but only once does he ponder how such a barbaric cohort could have passed landmark civil rights laws, still on the books today, before most Boomers were old enough to vote, much less hold elected office. In his creative footnotes, he references Margaret Mead who explains that sometimes groups simply don't perceive the progress they are making. Ironic in light of Mead's own inability to know the difference between when children are playing games with a foreign visitor, and when she is in the presence of real anthropological data. Even writing during Bush's second presidential, Steinhorn sees conservatism in retreat. A willingness to corrupt the facts to fit the theory is one hallmark of this work and much Boomer intellectual output, but it is exactly that overt quality that makes this work important to later thinkers.
As far as the world outside the US, or after the GI/Boomer era, the foreign policy of the US is summarized as GI's got WWII, the Boomers got Vietnam, but no mention of any later wars or conflicts. Probably because this dichotomy is the only one that fits Steinhorn's model and it would not be helpful to point out that the Gis and Boomers were both devoted to violent military regime change when it suited their respective goals. The military after the Boomers is praised for their sacrifices but not for living history. Gen X and the Millennial, called Gen Y by Steinhorn, are simply historical extensions of the Boomers, or lots of little boomers. Steinhorn believes later groups simply have no “historical watersheds” through which they can be defined as anything else. Steinhorn seems to regret pointing out this observation as a self evident truth because he even notes that the exclusion causes tension between Boomers and later groups, but he resigns himself to the inevitable lack of value to youth experiences after the early 1970s. The Iran Contra Scandal, the Beruit bombing, Persian Gulf War I, Bosnia, nor 9/11 is viewed as historically significant as the events of the Sixties. Events after the Sixties did not impact later groups because the Boomers were on watch. This kind of intellectual elitism, myopia and ageism is ripe for further study. Highly recommended.
For too many years, Boomers have been attacked by countless naysayers and domineering factions committed to perpetuating demeaning generational myths. Boomers have been ridiculed for their lack of patriotism, for undermining traditional American values, for inculcating cultural and moral degradation. Ironically, this nation's wealthiest and most economically influential generation has been accused of self-absorption and solipsism, a narcissistic cohort bereft of concern for consequences and noted for self-indulgence over self-sacrifice. In contrast to their parent's idealized standing as the "greatest generation," Boomers have been gamely diminished as the "worst generation." And this book shouts enough.
Author Leonard Steinhorn deftly debunks divisive myths. With clear and resonate analysis, buttressed by substantial research evidence, he unravels the thread-bare fabrication of the generation's alleged misdeeds. Challenging conservative hegemony and countless vituperative critics, this communications professor at American University filets the hypocrisies and fear-mongering that dominated post-World War II America. While paying due respect to the courage and sacrifices of the GI Generation, he also holds Boomers' parents accountable once again for their treatment of minorities, women, and the environment, for xenophobia and institutionalized paranoia. He reminds readers of the precipitating dissonance between America's founding ideals and the everyday facts of life that edged young Boomers toward democratic mobilization and cultural revolution.
The author posits how, contrary to popular perceptions, Boomers triumphantly re-established the nation's founding values in contemporary value consensus: privacy, choice, pluralism, tolerance, self-expression, environmental awareness, and egalitarian institutions. Simply, America is a better country today because of the transformational nature of this idealistic and committed generation. Boomers have not been charlatans, but change agents. Steinhorn also reminds younger readers that egalitarian workplace and housing practices taken for granted today were earned first in the battlefield of thought and then the intractable institutions of media and government.
Boomer readers will discover their formative zeitgeist springing from every chapter - a narrative validation of their unique culture, arts, defining moments, and social movements. All readers will gain insights about how and why Boomers' past struggles for social justice are being demeaned today, long after these conflicts have corrected so many wrongs - from racial segregation to sexual stereotyping. Further, readers will understand why "cultural Luddites" continue to marginalize others in their vain attempts to roll society back to a time when everyone knew their place, and social mobility was almost impossible.
Finally, Professor Steinhorn stresses that Boomers are not yet finished in the battle for a better America. The agenda of the generation remains incomplete, with pressing needs today for environmental activism, increasing diversity, women's rights, and civic engagement. Reflecting the song title of one of this generation's favorite bards, Steinhorn's book insists that Boomers Carry On.


