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Griftopia: Bubble Machines, Vampire Squids, and the Long Con That Is Breaking America Hardcover – November 2, 2010
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Rolling Stone’sMatt Taibbi here unravels the whole fiendish story, digging beyond the headlines to get into the deeper roots and wider implications of the rise of the grifters. He traces the movement’s origins to the cult of Ayn Rand and her most influential—and possibly weirdest—acolyte, Alan Greenspan, and offers fresh reporting on the backroom deals that decided the winners and losers in the government bailouts. He uncovers the hidden commodities bubble that transferred billions of dollars to Wall Street while creating food shortages around the world, and he shows how finance dominates politics, from the story of investment bankers auctioning off America’s infrastructure to an inside account of the high-stakes battle for health-care reform—a battle the true reformers lost. Finally, he tells the story of Goldman Sachs, the “vampire squid wrapped around the face of humanity.”
Taibbi has combined deep sources, trailblazing reportage, and provocative analysis to create the most lucid, emotionally galvanizing, and scathingly funny account yet written of the ongoing political and financial crisis in America. This is essential reading for anyone who wants to understand the labyrinthine inner workings of politics and finance in this country, and the profound consequences for us all.
- Print length272 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherSpiegel & Grau
- Publication dateNovember 2, 2010
- Dimensions6.5 x 1.25 x 9.75 inches
- ISBN-100385529953
- ISBN-13978-0385529952
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“A relentlessly disturbing, penetrating exploration of the root causes of the trauma that upended economic security in millions of American homes . . . a full-scale indictment of Wall Street and Washington.”—The New York Times Book Review
“Matt Taibbi is [Hunter S.] Thompson’s heir. . . . [Griftopia] is the most lucid, justifiably angry description of what happened and what continues to happen to our nation’s economy.”—Seattle Post-Intelligencer
“Taibbi chronicles the corruption of the political process with indignation and dark humor. The takeaway? Be angry, but blame the right culprits.”—Time
From the Trade Paperback edition.
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
The Grifter Archipelago;
or, Why the Tea Party
Doesn't Matter
"Mr Chairman, delegates, and fellow citizens ."
The roar of the crowd is deafening Arms flailing spastically as the crowd pushes and shoves in violent excitement, I manage to scribble in my notebook: Place going absolutely apeshit?
It's September 3, 2008 I'm at the Xcel Center in St Paul, Minnesota, listening to the acceptance speech by the new Republican vice- presidential nominee, Sarah Palin The speech is the emotional climax of the entire 2008 presidential campaign, a campaign marked by bouts of rage and incoherent tribalism on both sides of the aisle After eighteen long months covering this dreary business, the whole campaign appears in my mind's eye as one long, protracted scratch-fight over Internet-fueled nonsense.
Like most reporters, I've had to expend all the energy I have just keeping track of who compared whom to Bob Dole, whose minister got caught griping about America on tape, who sent a picture of whom in African ceremonial garb to Matt Drudge and because of this I've made it all the way to this historic Palin speech tonight not having the faintest idea that within two weeks from this evening, the American economy will implode in the worst financial disaster since the Great Depression.
Like most Americans, I don't know a damn thing about high finance The rumblings of financial doom have been sounding for months now-the first half of 2008 had already seen the death of Bear Stearns, one of America's top five investment banks, and a second, Lehman Brothers, had lost 73 percent of its value in the first six months of the year and was less than two weeks away from a bankruptcy that would trigger the worldwide crisis Within the same two-week time frame, a third top- five investment bank, Merrill Lynch, would sink to the bottom alongside Lehman Brothers thanks to a hole blown in its side by years of reckless gambling debts; Merrill would be swallowed up in a shady state-aided backroom shotgun wedding to Bank of America that would never become anything like a major issue in this presidential race The root cause of all of these disasters was the unraveling of a massive Ponzi scheme centered around the American real estate market, a huge bubble of investment fraud that floated the American economy for the better part of a decade Take it as a powerful indictment of American journalism that I'm far from alone in this among the campaign press corps charged with covering the 2008 election None of us understands this shit We're all way too busy watching to make sure X candidate keeps his hand over his heart during the Pledge of Allegiance, and Y candidate goes to church as often as he says he does, and so on.
Just looking at Palin up on the podium doesn't impress me She looks like a chief flight attendant on a Piedmont flight from Winston-Salem to Cleveland, with only the bag of almonds and the polyester kerchief missing from the picture With the Junior Anti-Sex League rimless glasses and a half updo with a Bumpit she comes across like she's wearing a cheap Halloween getup McCain's vice-presidential search party bought in a bag at Walgreens after midnight-?four-piece costume, Pissed-Off White Suburban Female, $19.99 plus tax.
Just going by the crude sportswriter-think that can get any campaign journalist through a whole presidential race from start to finish if he feels like winging it, my initial conclusion here is that John McCain is desperate and he's taking one last heave at the end zone by serving up this overmatched electoral gimmick in a ploy for . . . what? Women? Extra-horny older married men? Frequent Piedmont fliers?
I'm not sure what the endgame is here, but just going by the
McCain campaign's hilariously maladroit strategic performance so far, it can't be very sophisticated So I figure I'll catch a little of this cookie-cutter political stump act, snatch a few quotes for my magazine piece, then boogie to the exits and grab a cheesesteak on the way back to the hotel But will my car still be there when I get out? That's where my head is at, as Sarah Palin begins her speech.
Then I start listening.
She starts off reading her credentials She's got the kid and nephew in uniform-check Troop of milk-fed patriotic kiddies with Hallmark Channel names (a Bristol, a Willow, and a Piper, a rare Martin Mull-
caliber whiteness trifecta)-check Mute macho husband on a snow machine- check This is all standard-issue campaign decoration so far, but then she starts in with this thing about Harry Truman:
My parents are here tonight, and I am so proud to be the daughter of Chuck and Sally Heath Long ago, a young farmer and haberdasher from Missouri followed an unlikely path to the vice presidency.
A writer observed: "We grow good people in our small towns, with honesty, sincerity, and dignity." I know just the kind of people that writer had in mind when he praised Harry Truman.
I grew up with those people.
They are the ones who do some of the hardest work in America, who grow our food, run our factories, and fight our wars.
They love their country, in good times and bad, and they're always proud of America I had the privilege of living most of my life in a small town.
I'm on the floor for the speech-stuck in the middle of a bunch of delegates from, I believe, Colorado-and at the line "They are the ones who do some of the hardest work," the section explodes in cheers.
I look back up at Palin and she has a bit of a confident grin on her face now Not quite a smirk, that would be unfair to say, but she's oozing confidence after delivering these loaded lines From now through the end of her speech there will be a definite edge to her voice, an edge that also fills the air of this building.
Before I have any chance of noticing it she's moved beyond the speaking part of the program and is suddenly, effortlessly, deep into the signaling process, a place most politicians only reach with great effort, and clumsily, if at all But Palin is the opposite of clumsy: she's in the dog-whistle portion of the speech and doing triple lutzes and backflips.
She starts talking about her experience as mayor of Wasilla, Alaska:
I guess a small-town mayor is sort of like a "community organizer," except that you have actual responsibilities I might add that in small towns, we don't quite know what to make of a candidate who lavishes praise on working people when they are listening and then talks about how bitterly they cling to their religion and guns when those people aren't listening.
We tend to prefer candidates who don't talk about us one way in Scranton and another way in San Francisco.
The TV talking heads here will surely focus on the insult to Barack Obama and will miss the far more important part of this speech-the fact that Palin has moved from talking about small-town folks as They a few seconds ago to We now-We don't know what to make of this, We prefer this It doesn't take a whole lot of thought to figure out who this We is Certainly, to those listening, if you're part of this We, you know If you're not part of it, as I'm not, you know even more.
Sarah Palin's We is a very unusual character to make an appearance in a national presidential campaign, where candidates almost to the last tend to scrupulously avoid any hint that they are not talking to all Americans Inclusiveness, telegenic warmth, and inoffensiveness are the usual currency of national-campaign candidates Say as little as possible, hope some of the undecideds like your teeth better than the other guy's-that's usually the way this business works.
But Palin, boldly, has tossed all that aside: she is making an impassioned bunker speech to a highly self-aware We that defines itself by the enemies surrounding it, enemies Palin is by now haughtily rattling off one by one in this increasingly brazen and inspired address.
She's already gone after the "experts" and "pollsters and pundits" who dismissed McCain, the "community organizer" Obama, even the city of San Francisco (We are more likely to live in Scranton), but the more important bit came with the line about how people in small towns are the ones who "do some of the hardest work." The cheer at that line was one of recognition, because what Palin is clearly talking about there are the people this crowd thinks don't do "the hardest work," don't fight our wars, don't love our country.
And We know who They are.
What Palin is doing is nothing new It's a virtual copy of Dick Nixon's "forgotten Americans" gambit targeting the so-called silent
majority-the poor and middle-class suburban (and especially southern) whites who had stayed on the sidelines during the sixties culture wars That strategy won Nixon the election against Humphrey by stealing the South away from the Democrats and has been the cornerstone of Republican electoral planning ever since.
The strategy of stoking exurban white resentment against encroaching immigration, against the disappearance of old values, against pop- culture glitz, against government power, it all worked so well for the Republicans over the years that even Hillary Clinton borrowed it in her primary race against Obama.
Now Palin's We in St Paul is, in substance, no different from anything that half a dozen politicians before her have come up with But neither Nixon nor Hillary nor even Ronald Reagan-whose natural goofball cheerfulness blunted his ability to whip up divisive mobs-had ever executed this message with the political skill and magnetism of this suddenly metamorphosed Piedmont flight attendant at the Xcel Center lectern.
Being in the building with Palin that night is a transformative and oddly unsettling experience It's a little like having live cave-level access for the ripping-the-heart-out-with-the-bare-hands scene in Indiana Jones and the Temple of Doom A scary-as-hell situation: thousands of pudgy Midwestern conservatives worshipping at the Altar of the Economic Producer, led by a charismatic arch-priestess letting lose a grade-A war cry The clear subtext of Palin's speech is this: other politicians only talk about fighting these assholes, I actually will.
Palin is talking to voters whose country is despised internationally, no longer an industrial manufacturing power, fast becoming an economic vassal to the Chinese and the Saudis, and just a week away from an almost-total financial collapse Nobody here is likely to genuinely believe a speech that promises better things.
But cultural civil war, you have that no matter how fucking broke you are And if you want that, I, Sarah Palin, can give it to you It's a powerful, galvanizing speech, but the strange thing about it is its seeming lack of electoral calculation It's a transparent attempt to mass-
market militancy and frustration, consolidate the group identity of an aggrieved demographic, and work that crowd up into a lather This represents a further degrading of the already degraded electoral process Now, not only are the long-term results of elections irrelevant, but for a new set of players like Palin, the outcome of the election itself is irrelevant This speech wasn't designed to win a general election, it was designed to introduce a new celebrity, a make- believe servant of the people so phony that later in her new career she will not even bother to hold an elective office.
The speech was a tremendous success On my way out of the building I'm stuck behind a pair of delegates who are joyously rehashing Palin's money quotes:
BUTT-HEAD: You know what they say the difference is between a hockey mom and a pit bull?
BEAVIS: Yeah.
BUTT-HEAD: No, I mean, you remember?
BEAVIS: Oh, yeah!
BUTT-HEAD: She's like, "Lipstick!"
BEAVIS: Yeah, lipstick! (both explode in laughter)
I reach out and tap one of them on the shoulder.
"Hey," I say "Can I ask you two what you think Sarah Palin will actually accomplish, if she gets elected?"
Beavis stares at me "I think she's gonna take America back,"
he says.
Getting this kind of answer on campaign jaunts is like asking someone why they like Pepsi and having them answer, "Because I believe it's the choice of a new generation."
"Yeah, okay," I say "But what actual policies do you want her to enact, or what laws do you think she's going to pass?"
They both frown and glance down at my press pass, and I realize instantly the game is up I'm not part of the We Butt-Head steps forward in a defensive posture, shielding his buddy from the liberal- media Ausländer.
"Wait a minute," he says "Who do you work for, exactly?"
The big difference between America and the third world: in America, our leaders put on a hell of a show for us voters, while in the third world, the bulk of the population gets squat In the third world, most people know where they stand and don't have any illusions about it.
Maybe they get a parade every now and then, get to wave at shock troops carrying order colors in an eyes-right salute Or maybe, if they're lucky, the leader will spring for a piece of mainstream entertainment-he'll host a heavyweight title fight at the local Palace of Beheading Something that puts the country on the map, cheers the national mood, distracts folks from their status as barefoot scrapers of the bottom of the international capitalist barrel.
But mostly your third-world schmuck gets the shaft He gets to live in dusty, unpaved dumps, eat expired food, scratch and claw his way to an old enough age to reproduce, and then die unnecessarily of industrial accidents, malnutrition, or some long-forgotten disease of antiquity Meanwhile, drawing upon the collective whole-life economic output of this worthy fellow and 47 million of his fellow citizens, the leader and about eighteen of his luckiest friends get to live in villas in Ibiza or the south of France, with enough money for a couple of impressive-looking ocean cruisers and a couple dozen sports cars.
We get more than that in America We get a beautifully choreographed eighteen-month entertainment put on once every four years, a beast called the presidential election that engrosses the population to the point of obsession This ongoing drama allows everyone to subsume their hopes and dreams for the future into one all-out, all-or-nothing battle for the White House, a big alabaster symbol of power we see on television a lot Who wins and who loses this contest is a matter of utmost importance to a hell of a lot of people in this country.
But why it's so important to them is one of the great unexplored mysteries of our time It's a mystery rooted in the central, horrifying truth about our national politics.
Which is this: none of it really matters to us The presidential election is a drama that we Americans have learned to wholly consume as entertainment, divorced completely from any expectations about concrete changes in our own lives For the vast majority of people who follow national elections in this country, the payoff they're looking for when they campaign for this or that political figure is that warm and fuzzy feeling you get when the home team wins the big game Or, more importantly, when a hated rival loses Their stake in the electoral game isn't a citizen's interest, but a rooting interest.
Voters who throw their emotional weight into elections they know deep down inside won't produce real change in their lives are also indulging in a find of fantasy That's why voters still dream of politicians whose primary goal is to effectively govern and maintain a thriving first world society with great international ambitions What voters don't realize, or don't want to realize, is that that dream was abandoned long ago by his country's leaders, who know the more prosaic reality and are looking beyond the fantasy, into the future, at an America plummeted into third world status.
Product details
- Publisher : Spiegel & Grau; First Edition (November 2, 2010)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 272 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0385529953
- ISBN-13 : 978-0385529952
- Item Weight : 1.05 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.5 x 1.25 x 9.75 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #648,682 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #1,252 in Economic Conditions (Books)
- #1,425 in Political Commentary & Opinion
- #3,501 in Communication & Media Studies
- Customer Reviews:
About the author

Matt Taibbi, author of the New York Times bestsellers The Divide, Griftopia, and The Great Derangement, is a contributing editor for Rolling Stone and winner of the 2007 National Magazine Award for Columns and Commentary.
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If you want to understand how this happened, a good place to start is with Alan Greenspan. He is the human embodiment of a political and economic hypocrite; the trends he set during his twenty-year tenure as President of the Federal Reserve have left us with a broken system. On the one hand, he preached free market economics, while on the other hand he gave massive governmental bailouts to the banks on Wall Street. These two ideas cannot co-exist, as the definition of a free market is one with no financial safety net. It is a contradiction of dire consequences, and if you match it with his deregulatory approach to macroeconomics, you have the perfect template for what we have today: a system that rewards the rich elite politicians and bankers and punishes the rest of us. The founders of this country ultimately decided against setting up a Federal Bank for this exact reason—they understood human nature well enough to know that if the wrong people were put in charge of a Federal Bank, corruption would inevitably ensue.
Bankers, like everyone in a capitalist society, want to make as much money as possible. The more you give them the ability to do this, without holding them accountable for screwing people over, the more they will take advantage of whatever amount of leeway you give them. This is the same human nature the founding fathers intrinsically understood, but that has now been backed up by psychological studies showing how people will cheat at games more egregiously if they believe nobody is paying attention and that they will get away with it. This is how we came to live in a ‘bubble economy.’ First it was the dot com bubble, then the commodities bubble, then the famous housing bubble of 2007-08. What these all have in common is a foundation of Wall Street corruption. They put a mask on the economy. To any regular investor, things looked safe and reliable. Behind the scenes, however, they knew they were selling crap packaged with a pretty bow. They propped up stocks in websites and businesses that were going nowhere and invested their client’s money in houses that were bought with no money down. Make no mistake, this is fraud. It is the literal definition of fraud. And yet, none of them have seen a minute of jail time.
The worst of these players is Goldman Sachs. During the commodities bubble of the 2000s, when prices on food, oil, metals, and most notably gas rose significantly, Goldman Sachs had an exclusive contract with the Federal Reserve on trading rights. Historically, commodities were restricted from outside trading because, well, they’re essentials. If food prices spike and all of a sudden people can’t afford to eat, society collapses. So, the government separated commodities from regular business stocks and passed into law the 1936 Commodity Exchange Act in order to keep a watchful eye on them. What happened next? You guessed it, the higher ups at Goldman Sachs wanted a piece of the action. There was money to be made! And Alan Greenspan and the rest of the executives at The Federal Reserve were happy to grant them exclusive rights to do so. While you and I saw gas prices rising and thought there was a shortage of natural gas in the Middle East, or whatever other lie the media fed the public on that particular day, the truth is that Goldman Sachs was intentionally raising the prices so that they could line their own pockets.
The culture of Wall Street and high ranking politicians has become one in favor of short term gain over long term prosperity. It has trickled down to state and city levels. For example, “Mayor Richard Daley had struck a deal with Morgan Stanley to lease all of Chicago’s parking meters” Taibbi writes, “The final amount of the bid was $1,156,500,000, a lump sum to be paid to the city of Chicago for seventy-five years’ worth of parking meter revenue.” This is an absolutely ludicrous business deal and when I looked it up, Wikipedia informed me that the money was spent and gone within 3 years. My jaw literally dropped. Any fool with half a brain knows you don’t sell out your future to put a band-aid on your present. The potential revenue from the meters is $3-5 billion dollars. What’s crazier is that this was only a template, quickly followed by many cities leasing the future revenue rights to everything from their parking meters to their public highways and airports. A majority of our major cities have condemned themselves to decades of financial hardship and the citizens don’t even know it.
By this point in history, this repeating trend has grown tiresome. Every single time ordinary citizens get screwed over, the banks on Wall Street walk away richer. Whereas we once had bubbles, now we have Coronavirus. The CARES act that was passed in congress in March of 2020 gave the people one single $1,200 check. How much did Wall Street get? $500 billion. While 30 million people filed for unemployment, the stock market was saved! It’s almost as if the people in this country don’t matter, so long as Wall Street is being taken care of. Taibbi writes: “This dynamic allows the bank[s] to suck wealth out of the economy and vitality out of the democracy at the same time, resulting in a snowballingly regressive phenomenon that pushes us closer to penury and oligarchy at the same time.”
The recent Reddit mobilization and use of Wall Street’s crooked tactics against them is a glimmer of hope, although the reality is that the fight against this type of historic corruption will be a long and ugly one. The truth is obvious, and there is no other way to summarize this book, and ultimately our political and economic situation, then this: If we do not hold these people accountable and begin to undo what they have done, our country will fall into ruins.
By Cody Allen on February 2, 2021
If you want to understand how this happened, a good place to start is with Alan Greenspan. He is the human embodiment of a political and economic hypocrite; the trends he set during his twenty-year tenure as President of the Federal Reserve have left us with a broken system. On the one hand, he preached free market economics, while on the other hand he gave massive governmental bailouts to the banks on Wall Street. These two ideas cannot co-exist, as the definition of a free market is one with no financial safety net. It is a contradiction of dire consequences, and if you match it with his deregulatory approach to macroeconomics, you have the perfect template for what we have today: a system that rewards the rich elite politicians and bankers and punishes the rest of us. The founders of this country ultimately decided against setting up a Federal Bank for this exact reason—they understood human nature well enough to know that if the wrong people were put in charge of a Federal Bank, corruption would inevitably ensue.
Bankers, like everyone in a capitalist society, want to make as much money as possible. The more you give them the ability to do this, without holding them accountable for screwing people over, the more they will take advantage of whatever amount of leeway you give them. This is the same human nature the founding fathers intrinsically understood, but that has now been backed up by psychological studies showing how people will cheat at games more egregiously if they believe nobody is paying attention and that they will get away with it. This is how we came to live in a ‘bubble economy.’ First it was the dot com bubble, then the commodities bubble, then the famous housing bubble of 2007-08. What these all have in common is a foundation of Wall Street corruption. They put a mask on the economy. To any regular investor, things looked safe and reliable. Behind the scenes, however, they knew they were selling crap packaged with a pretty bow. They propped up stocks in websites and businesses that were going nowhere and invested their client’s money in houses that were bought with no money down. Make no mistake, this is fraud. It is the literal definition of fraud. And yet, none of them have seen a minute of jail time.
The worst of these players is Goldman Sachs. During the commodities bubble of the 2000s, when prices on food, oil, metals, and most notably gas rose significantly, Goldman Sachs had an exclusive contract with the Federal Reserve on trading rights. Historically, commodities were restricted from outside trading because, well, they’re essentials. If food prices spike and all of a sudden people can’t afford to eat, society collapses. So, the government separated commodities from regular business stocks and passed into law the 1936 Commodity Exchange Act in order to keep a watchful eye on them. What happened next? You guessed it, the higher ups at Goldman Sachs wanted a piece of the action. There was money to be made! And Alan Greenspan and the rest of the executives at The Federal Reserve were happy to grant them exclusive rights to do so. While you and I saw gas prices rising and thought there was a shortage of natural gas in the Middle East, or whatever other lie the media fed the public on that particular day, the truth is that Goldman Sachs was intentionally raising the prices so that they could line their own pockets.
The culture of Wall Street and high ranking politicians has become one in favor of short term gain over long term prosperity. It has trickled down to state and city levels. For example, “Mayor Richard Daley had struck a deal with Morgan Stanley to lease all of Chicago’s parking meters” Taibbi writes, “The final amount of the bid was $1,156,500,000, a lump sum to be paid to the city of Chicago for seventy-five years’ worth of parking meter revenue.” This is an absolutely ludicrous business deal and when I looked it up, Wikipedia informed me that the money was spent and gone within 3 years. My jaw literally dropped. Any fool with half a brain knows you don’t sell out your future to put a band-aid on your present. The potential revenue from the meters is $3-5 billion dollars. What’s crazier is that this was only a template, quickly followed by many cities leasing the future revenue rights to everything from their parking meters to their public highways and airports. A majority of our major cities have condemned themselves to decades of financial hardship and the citizens don’t even know it.
By this point in history, this repeating trend has grown tiresome. Every single time ordinary citizens get screwed over, the banks on Wall Street walk away richer. Whereas we once had bubbles, now we have Coronavirus. The CARES act that was passed in congress in March of 2020 gave the people one single $1,200 check. How much did Wall Street get? $500 billion. While 30 million people filed for unemployment, the stock market was saved! It’s almost as if the people in this country don’t matter, so long as Wall Street is being taken care of. Taibbi writes: “This dynamic allows the bank[s] to suck wealth out of the economy and vitality out of the democracy at the same time, resulting in a snowballingly regressive phenomenon that pushes us closer to penury and oligarchy at the same time.”
The recent Reddit mobilization and use of Wall Street’s crooked tactics against them is a glimmer of hope, although the reality is that the fight against this type of historic corruption will be a long and ugly one. The truth is obvious, and there is no other way to summarize this book, and ultimately our political and economic situation, then this: If we do not hold these people accountable and begin to undo what they have done, our country will fall into ruins.
I must applaud Taibbi, though, for his focus on issues of finance and banking. I happen to agree that these are issues of profound importance, and the lack of media attention given to explaining the specifics of the economic downturn is disconcerting. Taibbi is right - people are largely engaged in a rather frivolous culture war, all the while issues of greater complexity that affect our lives infinitely more are completely ignored, even by those who purport to be policy experts.
While it is certainly not his obligation to recommend specific policies to fix the problems he points out in the book, the lack of policy suggestions by Taibbi is bothersome. He assumes his readers are pretty uninformed on financial issues, which is probably the right approach to take. Yet if readers are in fact uneducated on these issues, reading a polemic that is heavily biased is not a good way to be introduced to the field. Taibbi never takes the time to discuss the potential ramifications of not bailing out the banks, and the financially illiterate reader will leave the book thinking that the move was a unnecessary and a sign of corruption. In fact, it was essential to prevent the complete collapse of the economy, something that almost all economists agree on.
Taibbi is clearly not a financial expert, and it is rather clear that he has just recently learned about a number of the concepts that he attempts to educate readers about. For instance, he complains about Fed policies fueling bubbles, but fails to understand that the Federal Reserve cannot pop bubbles by lowering the federal funds rate, as this instead just causes general economic decline without necessary penetrating the specific bubble. Taibbi also rants about the nation devaluing the dollar in the past, and discusses the legitimate point that this makes imports more expensive. He neglects, however, to mention any benefits from devaluing the dollar.
He rants about how the Federal reserve is too independent and not accountable to the public. This sounds well and good, but again he neglects to mention any possible side effects from this move. In fact, there is a strong correlation between macroeconomic performance of different nations and central bank independence. Insulating the central bank from public pressure is one of the surest ways to prevent out of control inflation and create an environment suitable to growth. Surely he realizes that when he uses Ron Paul, the king of economic nonsense, to bolster his arguments against the Fed, he barking up the wrong tree. He actually calls quantitative easing, a monetary policy that most left wing economists endorse and that has been very much responsible for helping prevent a second great depression, "insane." Again, I just could not help but feel throughout the book that he simply lacked the expertise to be writing on these matters, especially in his polemical, heavily biased style.
During chapter 2, Taibbi trashes Alan Greenspan. Much of this is justified, but I actually began to feel defensive of Greenspan after a bit, feeling that Taibbi was hurling a combination of legitimate and illegitimate invective at him. For instance, he mocks Greenspan for saying "To spot a bubble in advance requires a judgement that hundreds of thousands of informed bankers have it all wrong. Betting against markets is usually precarious at best." This statement is completely valid, but evidently this is stupid according to Taibbi. He complains that Greenspan didn't apologize in 2007, before the markets even began to tumble. This kind of complaint suggested to me that Taibbi lacked enough legitimate complaints against Greenspan to correctly label him "the biggest *expletive* in the universe," so had to make weak criticisms (oddly, Taibbi two paragraphs later then even admits that Greenspan formally apologized in 2008 and recanted many of his long held beliefs - yet evidently he is still the "biggest *expletive* in the universe"). Taibbi also criticizes Greenspan for what seemed to be every adjustment of the federal funds rate he ever made with no apparent recognition of the broader economic realities of the economy that led the Federal Reserve to adjust rates as they did.
Taibbi calls people who bought subprime mortgage securities "morons." Yet it was not clear to many people at all that these were going to blow up as they did (nor, obviously, was it clear to Taibbi, who benefits greatly from hindsight bias). If people who failed to foresee the mortgage meltdown and bought subprime mortgage CDO's instead of Treasury bonds are "morons," Taibbi has such a high standard for what constitutes "average intelligence" that it renders the insult meaningless. I also found Taibbi's constant cursing, while interesting stylistically, to be inappropriate and simply too imprecise for this subject matter.
Taibbi makes the claim that we are estimated to spend a total of $13 trillion on the bailouts total when all is said and done. What? That is an absurdly high number, and he just consistently drops numbers like this without any explanation of how he and where he got them. He goes into talking about the gas prices spike and claims that shortages did not seriously contribute to rising prices, because, if they did, where were the lines at gas stations? This demonstrates a startling lack of economic understanding, because shortages result in higher prices, which turn away more consumers therefore not resulting in huge lines. After ranting for pages about how the commodities market is the reason why oil prices were so high, he quickly (literally, like two lines) mentions that rising demand and uncertainty surrounding the dollar also contributed substantially to the rise (combined, they contributed much, much more than commodity securitization did). He then concludes, rather tritely, that commodities markets "contributed" to the rise in oil prices. The reality is that the spike in gas prices did not fit into his narrative that the "elites" are responsible for all huge economic crises (which is never explicitly stated but is more or less implied). Plus, allowing gas to be traded like a stock allowed its value to move closer to its real value, which is simply higher than it was selling for. That is a good thing. It means people will consume less of it, which will bring on the needed transition to alternative energy sources (statistics show that sells of Priuses correlate positively with higher gas prices, while SUVs have a negative correlation).
Taibbi also has an unrealistically rosy view of the past. He keeps talking about how things have declined lately, and actually cites the turn of the 20th century as a period with less corruption than we have today. Taking into account population size, I find that a preposterous claim. Corruption has improved in almost every Western democracy since 1900. He also criticizes Obama for failing to fulfill all campaign promises, which is just asinine considering the fact that no president in our nation's history has done so, nor is it even possible to do so without a certain level of support in Congress. I was actually surprised at just how unconvincing his argument was for incarcerating bankers. He kept speaking about how "they" needed to be arrested with little evidence of any law breaking. He should have advocated that laws be changed so that some of the actions of bankers will be illegal in the future. Instead, he actually calls for imprisoning bankers who sold toxic assets (who, Taibbi assures us, knew that they were crap, even though clearly the large majority of traders clearly had no clue). It is absurd, anyway, because it is completely legal to sell securities you think will lose value in the future. That is the primary reason you sell them.
Taibbi's seeming inability to give an inch to the other side, or even bother to explain the rationale of the other side (fairly), is going to be damaging to people who are reading the book to educate themselves about recent financial calamities. For instance, in his chapter on health care he refused to explain the economic rationale behind the individual mandate all the while condemning it. He cited Dennis Kucinich as disagreeing with the way Obama went about negotiating the deal, completely failing to mention that Kucinich eventually voted for the bill, acknowledging it, while imperfect, was a step in the right direction. He just neglected to mention anything positive about the health care bill, when there are so many positive things about it.
This, ultimately, is the failing of the book. It is so heavily biased, so neglecting of alternative points of view (to the point that critical facts are omitted to bolster his argument), that I am uncertain whether readers will walk away from the book with a better understanding of politics and finance. They will learn true facts, which is undoubtedly good, but they will leave possibly falsely thinking they now understand the whole picture, when they have merely been presented one highly biased viewpoint. Taibbi fails to provide the whole picture, which, even if that isn't what he sets out to do, is important when discussing issues of such grave importance.
If you found "Griftopia" highly persuasive, also be sure to check out opposing perspectives to give you a more holistic understanding, such as Robert Shiller's "Finance and the Good Society."
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The leading miscreant in this sad economic story is held out to be Alan Greenspan, for many years preceding 2008 the Chairman of the Federal Reserve Bank, whom the author calls "The Biggest a??????e (word actually used numerous times the by author, means an anus but in their wisdom Amazon would not allow me to use it in this review) the Universe" and whose mistakes, misjudgements, and myopic economic grasp are examined in some highly critical and harsh manner. Extreme the commentary is on this hapless economist but events and the evolution of time together with the dire consequences of Ayn Rand influenced Greenspan's 'Free Market' obsession have to a great extent confirmed Mr Taibbi's views.
He vociferates about the now well documented and universally condemned sub-prime scandal and the disgraceful display of self-interest and greed exhibited by Wall Street in the 'securitization' follies. Also in his firing line come the commodities bastardization, again evolved by and profited from by Wall Street to the financial detriment of the ordinary Joe Public. Others under the magnifying glass are the taking over of public assets by Wealth Funds and in particular Chicago Mayor Richard Daley's sale of the city's Parking Meters and their income for 75 years, to an overseas Wealth Fund, and President Obama's cobbled together and severely compromised Health Care Program.
However, the piece-de-resistance and the rant to end all rants, is the outpouring of revulsion of Goldman Sachs, and everything it does, and stands for, including for example it's reluctance to extend a duty of care to it's customers instead viewing them as fair game, and its skill and dexterity in extracting financial support for its own coffers from the US taxpayer, as for example in the AIG bailout. This strong disparagement is not uniquely tied to the author, as it is difficult to find anybody, anywhere that has a good word to say about Goldman Sachs, leading one to wonder whether everybody can be wrong?
Whether one agrees or otherwise with the views expressed in Griftomania, does not detract from the fact that this is a very good, highly readable, interesting book that challenges the establishments version of the events, personalities and contributors to the 2008 financial tsunami.










