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The Imperial Cruise: A Secret History of Empire and War Paperback – Bargain Price, November 8, 2010
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In 1905 President Teddy Roosevelt dispatched Secretary of War William Taft, his daughter Alice, and a gaggle of congressmen on a mission to Japan, the Philippines, China, and Korea with the intent of forging an agreement to divide up Asia. This clandestine pact lit the fuse that would-decades later-result in a number of devastating wars: WWII, the Korean War, and the communist revolution in China.
In 2005, James Bradley retraced that epic voyage and discovered the remarkable truth about America's vast imperial past. Full of fascinating characters brought brilliantly to life, The Imperial Cruise will powerfully revise the way we understand U.S. history.
- Print length400 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherBack Bay Books
- Publication dateNovember 8, 2010
- Dimensions5.5 x 1 x 8.25 inches
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"Incendiary...[The Imperial Cruise] is startling enough to reshape conventional wisdom about Roosevelt's presidency." (New York Times Janet Maslin)
"A provocative study...What is fascinating about Bradley's reconstruction of a largely neglected aspect of Roosevelt's legacy is the impact that his racial theories and his obsession with personal and national virility had on his diplomacy. Engrossing and revelatory, The Imperial Cruise is revisionist history at its best." (New York Times Book Review Ronald Steel)
"[Bradley's] ingenious narrative thread is to track an across-the-pacific 1905 goodwill voyage by Roosevelt's emissaries....[his indictment of Roosevelt] raises tantalizing questions." (American History Gene Santoro)
"For readers under the impression that history is the story of good guys and bad guys...this book could be useful medicine." (USA Today)
"A page-turner." (Associated Press)
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Product details
- ASIN : B007MXCB6Y
- Publisher : Back Bay Books; Reprint edition (November 8, 2010)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 400 pages
- Item Weight : 1.5 pounds
- Dimensions : 5.5 x 1 x 8.25 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #3,445,673 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #5,410 in Asian Politics
- #6,467 in Chinese History (Books)
- #7,400 in Naval Military History
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About the author

I was born in Wisconsin surrounded by a loving family of ten and loved swimming in cold lakes. When I was a boy I read an article by former president Harry Truman recommending historical biographies for young readers. His reasoning was that it was easy to follow the storyline of someone’s life, and they would absorb the history of the times on the journey. History soon became my favorite subject and I have been an active reader all my life.
When I was thirteen years old I read an article by James Michener in Reader’s Digest which I paraphrase: “When you’re twenty-two and graduate from college, people will ask you, ‘What do you want to do?’ It’s a good question, but you should answer it when you’re thirty-five.” Michener went on to write that his experiences wandering the globe as a young man later inspired his works on Afghanistan, Spain, Japan and other places.
When I was nineteen years old, I lived and studied in Tokyo for one year. I later brought my Japanese friends home to Wisconsin. My father, John Bradley, had helped raise an American flag on the Japanese island of Iwo Jima and had shot a Japanese soldier dead. My dad warmly welcomed my Japanese buddies.
I traveled around the world when I was twenty-one, from the U.S. to Japan, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Thailand, Nepal, India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran, Turkey, France, Germany, Italy, England and back to the United States.
At twenty-three I graduated with a degree in East Asian history from the University of Wisconsin at Madison.
For the next twenty years I worked in the corporate communications industry in the United States, Japan, England and South Africa.
In my late thirties I took a year off to go around the world again. On this trip I made it to base camp on Mt. Everest and walked among lions in Africa.
My father died when I was forty years old. My search to find out why he didn’t speak about Iwo Jima led me to write Flags of Our Fathers and establish the James Bradley Peace Foundation.
Flags of Our Fathers went on to be a bestseller and a movie, but few saw its potential at first. In fact, as this New York Times article documents, twenty-seven publishers turned the book down over a period of twenty-five months. This difficult and humbling birthing process inspired my live presentation Doing the Impossible.
In 2001 a WWII veteran of the Pacific revealed to me that the U.S. government had kept secret the beheading deaths of eight American airmen on the Japanese island of Chichi Jima, next door to Iwo Jima. After researching their deaths, I informed the eight families and the world of the unknown facts in my book second book Flyboys. (One flyboy got away. His name was George Herbert Walker Bush.)
After writing two books about WWII in the Pacific, I began to wonder about the origins of America’s involvement in that war. The inferno that followed Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor had consumed countless lives, and believing there’s usually smoke before a fire, I set off to search Asia for the original irritants. The result of that search is my third book, The Imperial Cruise.
I am working on my fourth book, about Franklin Delano Roosevelt and China.
Above my desk are the framed words of James Michener:
“Just because you wrote a few books, the world is not going to change. You will find that you will go to sleep and awaken as the same son-of-a-bitch you were the day before.”
For the past ten years, the James Bradley Peace Foundation and Youth For Understanding have sent American students to live with families overseas. Perhaps in the future when we debate whether to fight it out or talk it out, one of these Americans might make a difference.
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Avoiding Congress and impeachment requires a better understanding of the 26th president, who he was, what he believed, and the image he nurtured so carefully right down to the letters he wrote to his children, knowing that they would someday be read by others.
Our image of Theodore Roosevelt is a man's man, a rancher, boxer, wrestler and "Great Bwana," or great white hunter, but the boy whose asthma was so bad, few thought he would survive to adulthood. As a young New York Assemblyman his high pitched voice and purple velvet suit allowed his colleagues and the press to invent derisive metaphors. Roosevelt strove to burn a new image when virility, Aryan superiority, and power were man's highest level of self-actualization. He made it a point to have many photos of him looking resolute in hunter's garb, rifle in hand, complete with fake background, and he would never allow a photograph of him in tennis whites.
Roosevelt continued his image building by going west in deluxe Pullman accommodations to South Dakota, the "Aspen Colorado" of the 19th Century. Giving the impression that he spent years raising cattle and running his own ranch, he spent no more than a few months in as many years, having spent half his inheritance when he eventually sold the failing business.
This need to appear manly was part of his education where he learned that the Rome Empire fell to the Teutonic savages because they were overcivilized and had gone soft. The Teutonic Germans melded with the Anglo-Saxon heritage where it honed its advances in civilization to become the dominant Aryan race that should influence the world and tame the "Pacific negroes." Teddy was convinced the White Christian civilization should be spread across the globe because every other race was distinctly inferior.
As president, Roosevelt had the power and the timing to give expression to his beliefs. He issued the "Roosevelt Corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine, which is instilled in every American today: the U. S. will be the international policeman and reserves the right to interfere in the internal affairs of any other country if it suits our interest. The country goes from a doctrine that is defensive in nature to one that is belligerent. Roosevelt's Secretary of State was ill and near death. His Secretary of War, William Taft was compliant, jovial, and eager to please. He would be Roosevelt's "diplomatic pouch" to the nations he visited by imperial cruise.
Bradley's account affords a whole new, disturbing insight into American History that is unpleasant to read but profoundly interesting. It was Roosevelt who annexed the Philippines after promising them their independence. It was Roosevelt who encouraged Japan to take Korea and fight Russia, with the promise that they would leave the Philippines alone. It wasn't Roosevelt that brokered an agreement between Russia and Japan as much as playing both to get what he wanted for American interests. And it was Roosevelt who suggested that Japan adopt its own Monroe Doctrine. We would hear of it later as the East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. It was from Roosevelt the Japanese culled their mistrust of anything western and white. It also resulted in World War II. In the continuing irony of history, one Roosevelt chastised a country for what another family member told that country to do.
Bradley goes into the Open Door Policy the west demanded, and the Closed Door Policy the U. S. practiced. The annexation of the Philippines is nothing more than a forerunner of the Nazi regime four decades later, as Filipinos are put in concentration camps where disease and starvation take their toll. Moros tribesmen are slaughtered to the applause of the president. Besides the introduction of Christianity to the Sandwich Islands, the missionaries bring pestilence and covetousness that decimates a population and robs the natives of their land. In the final irony the actions of Roosevelt and his contempt for the "inferior Asian races" would be the slow, long-burning fuse that would ignite Asian nationalism and pride.
This is a book that is as easy to read as it is sickening to read. (It has many fascinating details that cannot be added here). It is a necessary book for Americans to learn more about what really happened beyond the glossy presentations taught in history classes. It is an important book because many Americans think in terms of a Roosevelt Corollary without being able to explain what it really means.
When I was finished, I sat back and pondered. The book made me think and still does after I read the last page, last night. I suppose that is the mark of a book's success, one that stays in your mind, long after its over.
"Annex" a copy for yourself and learn what really happened in American History.
You'll even learn what happened to Alice.
Other reviewers have pointed out that there is not much about the cruise undertaken by W.H. Taft and Alice Roosevelt in this book, and I feel it is mainly a convenient device to tell a tale which is really expressed in the sub-title 'A Secret History of Empire and War.' There are in fact two main narrative threads here: a rather gruesome and to many readers upsetting one about American imperialist ambitions and 'westering' colonization of the Pacific (Hawaii) and East Asia (the Philippines), and another to me more interesting one about U.S.-Japan relations. This review will focus on the latter.
James Bradley has done an excellent and well-researched job of presenting the history in detail of the exchanges between Kaneko and Roosevelt, though he seems unaware, or at least does not mention, that Kentaro Kaneko (1853-1942) had already met Theodore Roosevelt before 1904 through an introduction arranged by Harvard-educated William Sturgis Bigelow (1850-1926), the Bostonian collector of Japanese art. They first met in 1890 when Roosevelt was Head of the Civil Service Commission and Kaneko was returning to Japan via the U.S. after studying Western parliamentary systems in Europe, and the two Harvard men maintained an occasional correspondence - letters and Christmas greetings - thereafter. (See my translation published recently of Masayoshi Matsumura's Baron Kaneko and the Russo-Japanese War (1904-05): A Study in the Public Diplomacy of Japan for further details.)
The idea of a 'Japanese Monroe Doctrine' influenced the Japanese Government leaders and encouraged them to follow America's example as their 'sensei' (teacher), yet it was surely not proposed for Japan's benefit, but for that of the United States. It made perfect sense at the time for Roosevelt to persuade Japan to keep the European powers (including 'Slavic' Russia) at bay and check their expansion into East Asia, while assuring the 'Open Door' in China for American commerce. And Japan was, of course, warned in clear language to stay away from the Philippines, America's largest colony. (Kaneko responded that Japan had her hands full with Taiwan, acquired in 1895 from China, and had no designs on the Philippines.) As Roosevelt wrote privately to his son in February 1904, Japan was "playing our game" and the Russo-Japanese War was in essence from his viewpoint a war by proxy.
It is thus quite ironic that Japan's victory over Russia which was widely celebrated in the U.S. as an underdog's triumph marked the high point in U.S.-Japan relations, and from that time they worsened steadily until World War II, having been generally good in the 50 years from Commodore Perry's arrival to open Japan in 1853. Roosevelt's clever and (for his purposes) useful idea of a 'Japanese Monroe doctrine' - first suggested to the Japanese by U.S. diplomat General Charles Le Gendre (1830-99) in the 1870s according to Bradley - was one lesson too many for the willing pupil Japan. The concept tragically and disastrously morphed over time into the uncontrollable juggernaut of Japanese militarism, beginning with the weak buffer state of Korea being abandoned to its fate by T.R. - one of which he apparently approved - and made a Japanese protectorate in late 1905, and from 1910 a full colony (see Ch. 12, 'Sellout in Seoul'). In effect the inventive mind of the President inadvertently sanctioned the creation of a Frankenstein which, as Mr. Bradley indicates, others had to confront and defeat subsequently. (But the line of causation is too long and thin to blame Roosevelt directly for Pearl Harbor, though I am not convinced the author is actually doing so. Was the Pacific War 1941-45 foreseeable back in 1905? Surely not!)
Theodore Roosevelt's publicly proclaimed admiration for Bushido, jujitsu and other aspects of Japanese culture as promoted by Kaneko, not to mention the superb training and remarkable courage of the army and navy, was doubtless in and of itself genuine, but it surely also had the useful result of helping to massage the egos of his Japanese guests, especially the intermediary Baron Kaneko. Interestingly, he wanted the Japanese to win, but not too overwhelmingly, and on August 23, 1905 he wrote confidentially to Kaneko suggesting that Japan should give up any claims to an indemnity in the forthcoming peace conference. When Japan did so and the terms of the Treaty of Portsmouth brokered by Roosevelt were made public there were serious riots by a discontented and disappointed populace in Tokyo (80% of police boxes and two churches destroyed) and throughout Japan. The souring of friendly U.S.-Japan relations surely began at that point. (How many Japanese would have rejoiced at the subsequent award to Roosevelt of the Nobel Peace Prize in 1906?)
Roosevelt meanwhile stressed Japan's many positive gains to Kaneko (withdrawal of Russian troops from Manchuria, a lease of the Liaodong peninsula, control of the Southern Manchurian railway, Korea and half of Sakhalin), but also probably shrugged his shoulders and blamed the Japanese leaders for raising the expectations of the Japanese people too high in the case of the indemnity. He may have had a point, since - as Sir Ernest Satow observed from Peking - the Japanese army had not captured enemy territory of sufficient importance (e.g. Vladivostok) which was the usual basis for an indemnity. However, Sergei Witte the chief Russian negotiator outwitted Komura Jutaro at Portsmouth by asking publicly the hypothetical question "If we let you have the whole of Sakhalin, will you still demand an indemnity?" To this Komura replied that Japan would under no circumstances give up the indemnity, which made him seem intransigent in the eyes of the American media. (Thus for Japan, military victory was followed by diplomatic defeat as ten years previously in the Triple Intervention of April 1895 after the Sino-Japanese War, and this only further stoked Japanese resentment and created a time bomb with a long fuse.)
By the way, I should have preferred the author to use "Japanese" rather than the abbreviation "Jap", when using his own - or Roosevelt's - words outside quotations, likewise "Theodore" rather than "Teddy" which seems over-familiar for a historian, albeit an amateur one. The author's frequent use of the term "Aryan" also carries unfortunate and inescapable Nazi resonances, but 100 and more years ago ideas of 'Yellow Peril' originating in Europe were dominant and Caucasians generally feared Asian immigration, especially to California. (There is indeed much ugly and open racism in the early part of the book in quotations and cartoons, and also some stomach-turning accounts of massacres and torture in the Philippines. This inevitably will turn off some readers.) However, these are minor stylistic points and the book is generally an excellent and informative read!
Ian Ruxton, author of 'The Diaries and Letters of Sir Ernest Mason Satow (1843-1929), a Scholar-Diplomat in East Asia'










