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Imperial Hubris: Why the West Is Losing the War on Terror Mass Market Paperback – Illustrated, November 1, 2007

4.4 4.4 out of 5 stars 279 ratings

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Though U.S. leaders try to convince the world of their success in fighting al Qaeda, one member of the U.S. intelligence community would like to inform the public that we are, in fact, losing the war on terror. Further, until U.S. leaders recognize the errant path they have irresponsibly chosen, he says, our enemies will only grow stronger.

According to the author Michael Scheuer, the greatest danger for Americans confronting the Islamist threat is to believe—at the urging of U.S. leaders—that Muslims attack us for what we are and what we think rather than for what we do. Blustering political rhetoric “informs” the public that the Islamists are offended by the Western world’s democratic freedoms, civil liberties, inter-mingling of genders, and separation of church and state. However, although aspects of the modern world may offend conservative Muslims, no Islamist leader has fomented jihad to destroy participatory democracy, for example, the national association of credit unions, or coed universities. Instead, a growing segment of the Islamic world strenuously disapproves of specific U.S. policies and their attendant military, political, and economic implications.

Capitalizing on growing anti-U.S. animosity, Osama bin Laden’s genius lies not simply in calling for jihad, but in articulating a consistent and convincing case that Islam is under attack by America. Al Qaeda’s public statements condemn America’s protection of corrupt Muslim regimes, unqualified support for Israel, the occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan, and a further litany of real-world grievances. Bin Laden’s supporters thus identify their problem and believe their solution lies in war. Scheuer contends they will go to any length, not to destroy our secular, democratic way of life, but to deter what they view as specific attacks on their lands, their communities, and their religion. Unless U.S. leaders recognize this fact and adjust their policies abroad accordingly, even moderate Muslims will join the bin Laden camp.

 

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Editorial Reviews

Review

"Anonymous is an extremely knowledgeable, thoughtful, and provocative thinker. His analysis and forecasts about Osama bin Laden, the Al Qaeda network, and terrorism in general are extremely insightful--not to mention accurate." --Faye Bowers, CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR

About the Author

New York Times and Washington Post bestseller Imperial Hubris was originally published anonymously, as required by the Central Intelligence Agency. Its author is Michael Scheuer, the former head of the CIA’s Bin Laden Unit, who resigned in November 2004, after two decades of experience in national security issues related to Afghanistan and south Asia. As “Anonymous,” he is also the author of Through Our Enemies’ Eyes: Osama bin Laden, Radical Islam, and the Future of America. Scheuer has been featured on many national and international television news programs, has been interviewed for broadcast media and documentaries, and has been the focus of print media worldwide.

Product details

  • Publisher ‏ : ‎ POTOMAC BOOKS; Illustrated edition (November 1, 2007)
  • Language ‏ : ‎ English
  • Mass Market Paperback ‏ : ‎ 352 pages
  • ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 1597971596
  • ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-1597971591
  • Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 11.7 ounces
  • Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 4.84 x 0.88 x 7.9 inches
  • Customer Reviews:
    4.4 4.4 out of 5 stars 279 ratings

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Michael Scheuer
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Michael Scheuer is a twenty-plus-year CIA veteran. From 1996 to 1999, he served as the Chief of the bin Laden unit (aka Alec Station), the Osama bin Laden tracking unit at the Counterterrorism Center. He then worked as Special Adviser to the Chief of the bin Laden unit from September 2001 to November 2004. He resigned from the CIA in 2004. He is currently an Adjunct Professor of Security Studies at Georgetown University and a Senior Fellow at the Jamestown Foundation, writing regularly for its online publication Global Terrorism Analysis. He lives in Virginia with his wife and two children.

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4.4 out of 5 stars
279 global ratings

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Customers find the book insightful and good. They also say it's written in pungent, vigorous prose. Opinions are mixed on the writing style, with some finding it compelling and compelling while others say it’s not an easy read.

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Customers find the book insightful, important, and credible. They also say the author makes a brilliant argument and brilliant ideas and thoughts that in hindsight should have been listened to.

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"...intriguing about this book is the way it struggles to face, with unabashed honesty, a series of heart-rending life and death questions many of us..." Read more

"...This is a fine well-researched work but its main shortcoming is a rather cockeyed belief that if we leave Saudi Arabia and the rest of the Muslim..." Read more

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Top reviews from the United States

Reviewed in the United States on August 27, 2004
A very insightfull book. If as suggested the administration is involved in petty spats. While are enemy plans new attacks.

It seams they were at again in Russia the other day

The following editorial was published in May of this year. I offer it as additional food for thought from what our Mr Anonymous has compiled for us. If we don't learn from history we shall repeate it. Over and over again

Will it be as it was?

BY

ALAN W. THEDERAHN

FROM THE HEARTLAND

Monday, May 31, 2004

"There is nothing new in the world except the history you do not know"(Harry S. Truman). The current armed uprising in Iraq is not a surprise to anyone familiar with the Iraqi revolt against the British military occupation in 1920. Resentment of the occupation led to the formation of a secret society, Haras al-Istiqlal (Independence Guard) led by Muhammad al-Sadr, (Grandfather of Moqtada Sadr, the leader of the current Iraqi uprising) a son of the prominent Shi'a mujtahid Ayatollah Hasan al-Sadr. Haras al-Istiqlal also had a close liaison with esteemed cleric Ayatollah Muhammad Tami al-Shirazi who in April 1920 issued a fatwa pronouncing that service in the British occupation administration was unlawful. By May there was active cooperation between Sunnis' and Shi'a against the British occupation. The armed uprising broke out in June, set off in part by the arrest of the son of Ayatollah al-Shirazi by British authorities. The response of Ayatollah al-Shirazi, the premier Shi'a cleric in Iraq, was to send out another fatwa appearing to encourage armed insurrection. British measures to pre-empt an uprising only resulted in the revolt breaking out and acquiring momentum. Inadequate British forces were compelled to regroup and the uprising was not suppressed until the end of October 1920 at a cost of lives of approximately 500 British and Indian soldiers and 6000 Iraqis.

If viewed from a time outlook of years rather than months the current American military invasion and occupation of Iraq shares conspicuous affinities with the campaign of the Roman emperor Trajan in the same geographic region between 113 and 117 A.D. In both instances political instability in the region jeopardized vital economic interests which motivated both America and Rome to attempt to impose a radical political solution upon the region by military conquest and de facto annexation. It is a noteworthy fact that in both cases this fundamental and far-reaching revision of previous established foreign policy was instigated by "War cliques" within the current American administration and the emperor's retinue. In both cases initial rapid and complete military success was followed by an occupation characterized by chaos, growing resentment, and ever more pervasive violence which served only to generate even more political instability in the region. Finally in both instances the military invasion and occupation produced enormous strains upon both the military capacity and financial solvency of both America and Rome. These costs could not be recouped from the economic exploitation of the occupied territory. A brief review of the main factors and sequence of events comprising Trajan's campaign and its aftermath clarify these four defining similarities with the present American position in Iraq.

The prudent moderation of Emperor the Augustus fixed the geographic limits of the Roman Empire within the Empire's military capacity to protect Rome's vital economic interests. These economic interests were essentially coterminous with the Commerce of the Mediterranean world. On its eastern frontier Rome had come to an arrangement in 66 A.D. with the Parthian Empire (the regions of present day Iran and Iraq) over the disputed buffer Kingdom of Armenia to the satisfaction of both Rome and Parthia. This modus vivendi produced conditions that fostered regular caravan trade which was a source of income for both powers. Such commerce yielded large customs duties to both empires Treasury's and brought prosperity both to Roman Syria and Parthian Mesopotamia. The arrangement permitted Rome to continue consolidation of its eastern frontier to promote the affluence of the Empire's urban middle and upper classes.

The diplomatic and commercial understandings between Rome and Parthia were ruptured in the reign of Emperor Trajan (98-117 A.D.). An irregular succession in the buffer Kingdom of Armenia and attendant disorders in that realm provided Rome with a pretext to place matters in the East on an entirely new footing. The death of Trajan's confidante L. Licinius Sura about 110 A.D. was an evil day for the Empire because it strengthened the influence of the military element in the emperor's entourage. From his experiences in the Dacian wars (105-108 A.D.) Trajan had acquired distaste for compromise which played into the hands of those who advocated an aggressive policy in place of the established traditional policy of Augustus. The end result was that Trajan determined to annex Armenia as a Roman province and end the threat posed by Parthia by occupying portions of its territory by military garrisons and appointing a Roman nominee as king of Parthia. This radical military solution would also entail a tremendous commercial coup for the conquest to of Iraq would eliminate Parthia from its middleman roll in the lucrative India trade leaving the caravan routes to Syria completely in Roman hands. Initial and complete military success attended Trajan's plans from 114-116 A.D. With the fall of the Parthian capital, near present-day Baghdad, and the emperor's advance to the Persian Gulf the war seemed over. Revolt quickly broke out to in the occupied areas of Iraq and Rome regain control only after extensive heavy fighting. However, the resources of Rome had been severely strained and it became a serious question of how much effort would be required from the Roman Army to preserve the bulk of Trajan's conquests with Parthian military forces still very much present and active.

With the memorable failure of the Roman Army before the key caravan city of Hatra in Iraq in 116 A.D. and the death of Trajan in 117 A.D., his successor Hadrian was left to wrestle with the formidable legacy Trajan's radical policy had bequeathed to him. The new emperor, who had served on the Army staff in the recent campaigns, was deeply impressed that Trajan's conquests were a severe political miscalculation and that it was unsafe to attempt any extension of the Empire's eastern frontiers beyond the boundaries Augustus established 100 years previously. The discretion of Hadrian recognized that in the East there were alien and indissoluble cultural structures that might well exhaust the energies of the Empire to provide the institutions and laws which characterized the pax Romana. He also fully appreciated the extent to which the Roman army had been stretched in the recent fighting and for the preservation of the Army it was necessary to disengage the troops from Iraq. The first acts of Hadrian were to evacuate the new conquests in Iraq, to reestablish the former arrangement with Partha over Armenia, and to withdraw the legions within the traditional line of the Euphrates. The wisdom of these measures was quickly demonstrated when the withdrawal of the legions made available extra military forces for the suppression of an extensive insurrection which had broken out among the Jewish Diaspora in the possessions of the Empire Hadrian itself while Trajan had been campaigning in Iraq. In his actions on becoming emperor demonstrated a political courage that enabled him to reject a failed radical policy, and in doing so save the Army and restore peace within the Empire. The present American position in the occupied Iraq leaves unanswered the critical historical question: Will it be as it was?
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Reviewed in the United States on July 14, 2004
What is most intriguing about this book is the way it struggles to face, with unabashed honesty, a series of heart-rending life and death questions many of us have been wondering aloud about these many months since the tragedy of 911. The current administration often seems to be more energetically engaged in an effort to manage our perceptions while prosecuting a puzzlingly pointless adventure in Iraq than in actually confronting the deadly foes that really do face us. Herein the author, an anonymous CIA analyst, carefully defrocks the pontificating puerile punditry that passes for conventional political wisdom these days by asking some seemingly basic questions which must either elude or embarrass the apparently dazed and befuddled governing elite, for they consistently refuse to acknowledge or address them. In essence, the author puzzles over why the powers that be seem either unable or unwilling to face the threats we actually must confront as opposed to the more convenient traditional bogeymen they choose to combat.
For example, the disastrous misadventure in Iraq is so blatantly counter-productive relating to our efforts to the war on terror one has to wonder whose side Mr. Bush and Mr. Cheney are actually on, those fomenting terrorism or those combating it. Nothing has done more to emphasize the maniacal accusations of the bin Laden camp than our actions against both Afghanistan and Iraq. Meanwhile, we ignore the much more pressing threats both here at home and on the larger world stage in terms of the terrorist groups acting to endanger us. The real tragedy, of course, is that in all this time, the ghastly though carefully-managed facts relating to the real cost, in both blood and treasure are being justified to bolster the political fortunes of the current administration. Thus we continue to squander our finest young men and women in this vainglorious albeit quixotic adventure abroad, even as we face growing danger from another 911-style terrorist assault at home. If the truth be told, according to the author, we are demonstrably much less safe now than we were in the aftermath of September 11, 2001.
The author's theme is that the single greatest continuing threat for Americans is the mistaken notion that the Islamist terrorists are targeting us because of our beliefs and our values rather than for the actions our government and corporations have taken against the Muslims across the Middle East. Of course, our political superstructure finds it advantageous to promote this set of misperceptions; again and again in a series of speeches over the last three years, for example, Mr. Bush emphasizes that the terrorists hate us because we are free and prosperous, never acknowledging that perhaps they hate us for much more tangible and controversial reasons, such as our biased and knee-jerk tendency to support Israel regardless of the circumstances, or our promotion and protection of corrupt and authoritarian Muslim regimes such as Saudi Arabia or Iran under the late Shah. Nor do our leaders seem to consider our invasions of Afghanistan or Iraq as potential provocations to the Muslim world. Our leaders never acknowledge such possibilities because they do not want us to question their actions (or inactions) regarding the terrorist threats.
The most provocative and damning of the points made in the book is the way the author illustrates how cleverly and ingenuously Mr. bin Laden has threaded together a powerful invective that uses our actions and our words to prove that, in his perception, we represent a grave and present danger to the world's Muslim community. And as the author warns us, unless we begin to recognize the true nature of the terrorist threats and stop flailing about for short term geo-political gain through misadventures that waste our precious strengths and sap our treasure, we are likely to continue losing the war against terrorism. This is a valuable and worthwhile book, and one I recommend for any serious student of current affairs.
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Top reviews from other countries

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FAHAD NABEEL AHMED
5.0 out of 5 stars Good
Reviewed in India on May 18, 2018
Very nice and detailed
T Khan
5.0 out of 5 stars Five Stars, and stunning detail.
Reviewed in Canada on December 13, 2015
classical work, well done. this author does an amazing job at relaying the historical narrative to discuss such an important and fundamental topic for the modern world. Many authors leave out important attention to detail and fail to make the proper connections. This author allows the reader to fully understand what is going on in his though process and presents it in a clear and coherent manner. I would highly recommend this book to all politics buffs and those wishing to learn more about history and politics.
y-fujikawa001
5.0 out of 5 stars Let's take time and think about why they can't be beaten.
Reviewed in Japan on March 6, 2006
なかなか難しい本でしたが、とても興味深い話でした。オサマビンディンについてもかなり詳しく書いてあります。アメリカ、そしてその同盟国の政府はこの本をじっくり読んで"The War On Terror"について再考する必要があると思います。さもなければテロは終わらないでしょう。
Hud
5.0 out of 5 stars But the Politicians say we are winning!
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on September 10, 2004
NOT.
I read this book in one steady burst over the weekend straining my eyes to the limit. At the end my one thought was "I must have been blind for the last 20 years".
I dont know who "Anonymous" is but he or she explains why 9/11 happened, in the cold light of day, with no emotion, and with a broad analytical sweep of the actions of the USA, and the repercussions across the world in the last 20-50 years.
Anonymous states that he or she has worked for the US intelligence agencies for the last 20 years which makes this book even more remarkable. A. loves his/her country but, quoting Robert E Lee, say it is his/her duty to reveal what the politicians wont allow the intelligence agencies to say:
The chilling quote: "This war has the potential to last beyond our children's lifetimes and to be fought mostly on US soil."
A. then provides a detailed reasoning behind each conclusion in a very easy to read style. He/she provides a set of policy recommendations to address each of the points made above.
Whether you support or dont support the different factions in this "war on terrorism", whether you are christian/muslim/jew, western or eastern, reading this book will present a view that will make you think more about what is happening.
In my opinion Imperial Hubris makes the best media reporting on TV or newspaper look superficial and tame.
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Marcel Zahm
4.0 out of 5 stars Sachliches Buch
Reviewed in Germany on January 19, 2018
Ich kann mich vollumfänglich der Rezension von Xiquiripat anschließen.

Möchte nur ausdrücklich nochmal dazu sagen, dass es sich um ein sachliches, immer von Fakten getragenes Buch handelt, dessen Meinungen man sicher nicht teilen muss - man muss aber sagen, dass der Autor nicht, wie die meisten vergleichbaren Bücher, ständig alles und jedes in seinem Sinne verdreht, um irgendeine reißerische These zu untermauern.