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Islamic Exceptionalism: How the Struggle Over Islam Is Reshaping the World Kindle Edition
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Shadi Hamid
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LanguageEnglish
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PublisherSt. Martin's Press
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Publication dateJune 7, 2016
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File size1004 KB
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Editorial Reviews
About the Author
Review
A New Statesman Book of the Year
"Few issues capture the public imagination quite so urgently as that of Islam’s troubled relationship with the West, democracy, modernity and, indeed, itself... This is where Shadi Hamid’s Islamic Exceptionalism comes into its own." –Shiraz Maher, The New Statesman
"Fresh, provocative thinking." –Kirkus Reviews
“Well, it turns out, there is something going on with Islam, and Shadi Hamid, quite helpfully, has figured it out… [An] illuminating book.” –Carlos Lozada, The Washington Post
"A page-turner… For me, the book also provided the rarest of enjoyments; it changed the way I looked at the world, even if just a bit." –Murtaza Hussain, journalist at The Intercept
"[Islamic Exceptionalism] limns the Islamist mind in unnerving detail... Hamid is unafraid to talk about heaven, theodicy and divine justice.” –The National Interest
“Perhaps [Hamid’s] most provocative claim is this: History will not necessarily favor the secular, liberal democracies of the West.” –Emma Green, The Atlantic
“Shadi Hamid provides an invaluable corrective to Western interpretations of Islam, Islamism, and the future of democracy in the Muslim world. Whatever debate remains to be had cannot take place without reference to this insightful and sympathetic document.”–Lawrence Wright, author of The Looming Tower and Thirteen Days in September
“A riveting account of the Arab Spring and all that followed, by one of the world’s leading scholars on political Islam. Shadi Hamid explains convincingly that Islam and the political movements it spawns are truly exceptional and likely to frustrate the ‘liberal determinists’ who believe that history inevitably gravitates to a secular future. A hugely important book.” –General David Petraeus (Ret.), former director of the CIA and commander of coalition forces in Iraq and Afghanistan
“Islamic Exceptionalism is an honest, deeply researched, and at times anguished effort to make sense of the Middle East after the failure of the Arab Spring and the rise of ISIS. Particularly rich and subtle on the crisis facing the Muslim Brotherhood, the book offers both a snapshot of a painful moment and a long-view inquiry into the meeting between Islam and democracy. Sobering, urgent reading for anyone who cares about the region, past and future.” –Noah Feldman, Felix Frankfurter Professor of Law, Harvard Law School and author of Cool War, Scorpions, and The Fall and Rise of the Islamic State
"A smart and highly readable book by one of the leading experts on the topic. Hamid examines the defining problem in the modern Middle East: how to mix religion and politics. His heartfelt fear is that in the age of ISIS a solution won’t come quickly because the features of a modern democratic state are often at odds with the path to God.”–David Gregory, former host of Meet the Press and author of How’s Your Faith
“Hamid offers readers a vital road map to navigate the chaos and confusion that is the post–Arab-Spring Middle East.” –Reza Aslan, New York Times bestselling author of Zealot and No God but God
“Beyond the zero-sum proposals of Islam or liberalism, Shadi Hamid boldly wrestles with how these two can negotiate the future of Muslim polities. Along the way, he educates us, challenging entrenched stereotypes and blind presumptions, especially the notion that the Muslim world must, can, or should go the way of the West. Islam is a constant not a variable. Islamic Exceptionalism suggests that this may be the beginning of wisdom for anyone wishing to understand, let alone shape, the political future of majority Muslim states.”–Sherman A. Jackson, King Faisal Chair in Islamic Thought and Culture, University of Southern California
"Ambitious and Challenging" –Amanda Zeidan, The Huffington Post
“Probably the most thoughtful attempt that I know to come to grips, to try to make sense of the rubble of the Arab Spring, to see what can be done after these colossal disappointments.” – Leon Wieseltier, Isaiah Berlin Senior Fellow in Culture and Policy, The Brookings Institution
"Hamid’s work offers a tempered, well-researched analysis of Islamism in its current state and offers tentative hopes for those seeking a new way through the intricacies of Islamic politics in the Middle East." –Publishers Weekly
“Excellent.” –The Irish Examiner
"For those who feel that everything will be solved by an 'Islamic reformation,' Hamid has cautionary words." --Prospect
--This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.Product details
- ASIN : B0176XHHTA
- Publisher : St. Martin's Press (June 7, 2016)
- Publication date : June 7, 2016
- Language : English
- File size : 1004 KB
- Text-to-Speech : Enabled
- Enhanced typesetting : Enabled
- X-Ray : Enabled
- Word Wise : Enabled
- Print length : 321 pages
- Lending : Not Enabled
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Best Sellers Rank:
#465,987 in Kindle Store (See Top 100 in Kindle Store)
- #325 in Religious Studies - Church & State
- #410 in Islamic Social Studies
- #831 in African Politics
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Hamid’s analyses included the three cases of Egypt, Turkey, and Tunisia. These cases are distinct in terms of the types of changes sought, who was involved, and the process of change. Much can be learned from these examples; the bottom line is that, in the face of rising Islamic fervor, where a number of political actors are present, and where the state is strong enough to be worth capturing, there is no question that ideological and religious polarization will follow. This polarization and reformation will take many years to work out and both those who endure the strife of the Middle East as well as observe and struggle with it from afar, will be better served to understand the history behind the various Islamist movements and how that impacts the alliances that form and dissolve as the process works toward an eventual solution.
Unlike Christianity and Judaism, which have evolved to largely separate faith from government, Islam has been political from the start. This difference will continue to play a role in Arab politics and state-building. Attempts to foster democracy must take into account the deep divisions within Muslim societies over how Islam should shape government and society. Hamid does a good job of illustrating how today's Islamist groups grew out of modern challenges and have shaped their politics of gradualism to placate authoritarian rulers and suspicious secularists. He also gives some attention to the divisions between Islamist groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood and Ennahda and the Islamic State. Many analysts focus on Islamists as a threat to democracy. Hamid concedes the point, but notes that many of the most draconian "Islamic" legislation has come from secular groups attempting to play the Islamic card. Hamid also draws from the failures of the Arab Spring, particularly the 2013 coup in Egypt, to argue that secular liberal sensitivities over perceived Islamic threats also undermine democratization. Not all readers will agree with all of Hamid's conclusions, but his perspective is a valuable contribution to the discussion. Highly recommended.
I enjoyed reading, and occasionally rereading, a chapter to understand his ideas.
In the end, I believe his thesis is pretty simple and straight forward, and his proofs are repetitive.
If you're interested in this subject, I recommend giving it a try.
Top reviews from other countries
There may well be justifications for such interventions (Syria, anyone?), but spreading Western notions of secular liberal democracy in the Muslim world isn’t one of them because, as history shows, this has been about as successful as planting pineapple trees in the Arctic.
Someone also needs to hand Ben Affleck a copy of Hamid’s book and point him to page 269. Here Hamid alludes to Affleck’s now famous meltdown on Real Time With Bill Maher as an example of just how confused white liberals in the West are on the topic of Islam, any criticism of which they brand as Islamophobia.
Their confusion arises from viewing Islam and Muslims through an Orientalist lens and concluding that Islam is no different – no better, no worse – than Christianity and that Muslims are “just like us.” Hamid’s book is a treatise on just how misguided this view really is.
“Islam is different,” he asserts.
“This is why the well-intentioned discourse of ‘they bleed just like us; they want to eat sandwiches and raise their children just like we do’ is a red herring,” he writes, a paraphrase of Affleck’s now famous “that’s gross, that’s racist” tirade against Sam Harris.
“After all, one can like sandwiches and want peace…while also supporting the death penalty for apostates, as 88 percent of Egyptian Muslims and 89 percent of Jordanian Muslims did in a 2011 Pew poll. In the same survey, 80 percent of Egyptian respondents said they favoured stoning adulterers, while 70 percent supported cutting off the hands of thieves.”
Here is yet another Muslim liberal telling his white liberal counterparts that, well intentioned though they may be, they are not helping move forward the debate that we must have about Islam, Muslim values and their inherent conflict with Western values.
There are echoes here of Bernard Lewis, the great Middle Eastern historian who also described what Hamid terms Islamic exceptionalism. But Lewis was a British-American Jew, so no matter how learned or correct Lewis’ assessments are, his work will always be vulnerable to criticisms of Orientalism. Which is why Muslim voices like Hamid are so important.
shadi-hamid
Shadi Hamid
Hamid is an American Muslim of Egyptian heritage, a Brookings Institute fellow, and contributing writer for The Atlantic.
He spent several years living in the Middle East studying the Arab Spring, Islamist movements, such as the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, and the rise of the Islamic State, all of which provide the basis for two books, Islamic Exceptionalism and Temptations of Power: Islamists and Iliberal Democracy in a New Middle East (Oxford University Press, 2014).
As Hamid points out, it’s not that democracy or secularism can’t work in Muslim majority countries. They just seem incapable of working together. They appear to be mutually hostile to one another in Muslim majority countries. Even the notion of the nation state poses a problem for political Islam.
“Islamic law wasn’t designed for the nation state,” Hamid writes.
There are, of course, Muslim countries that have democracy, and there are Muslim countries that are, or were ardently secular. But having one is usually accomplished only at the expense of the other.
Turkey is one of the rare exceptions of a Muslim majority country that has managed to have both democracy and secular systems of government, which is now being undermined by an Islamist leader.
Almost everywhere else in the Muslim world, however, secularism has been accomplished, not through democracy, but through authoritarianism. (Iraq, Syria and Egypt were secular Muslim countries, where the Islamists were held at bay only through brute force by strongmen like Saddam Hussein, Bashar al-Assad and Mubarak).
Conversely, look what happened when Egypt finally had its first democratic vote: It elected an Islamist government that immediately set about undermining the secular institutions of government and might well have eventually dismantled the very democratic process that put it in power.
Hamid was in Tahrir Square in 2011, when Egyptian President Hosni Mubark was forced to step down, only to witness a popular revolution that promised a new era of democracy and liberalism hijacked by the Muslim Brotherhood, followed by a vicious, bloody coup by the military.
The failure of the Arab Spring forced him to ask what it is about Muslim societies, particularly in the Middle East, that are hostile to democracy, secularism and liberalism. And the answer keeps coming back to Islam.
Hamid’s book includes three detailed case studies – Egypt, Tunisia and Turkey – and examines the role that Islamist groups like the Muslim Brotherhood have played there. The book also includes a chapter on the rise of the Islamic State, concluding that it “benefitted considerably from the manifest failures of Arab governance, of an outdated regional order, and of an international community that was unwilling to act as Syria descended into savage repression and civil war.”
There is a great deal of wishful thinking, when it comes to Western views of Islam. It is a young religion that has not yet had its reformation, as Christianity did, this thinking goes. Give it time, and the Muslim world will one day embrace liberalism, secularism, democracy and pluralism and Muslims will one day just want to eat sandwiches like the rest of us (made with halal meat, of course).
Two problems with that:
Islam already did go through a reformation, leading up to and following the ending of the Ottoman caliphate, and the result has been the Islamic revival of the 20th Century, embodied in Salfism and political Islam (Islamism).
Unlike Christianity, whose founder recognized the separation of church and state (“render unto Caesar”), Islam’s founder engineered his religion to prevent such a division of power.
As Hamid points out, “because the relationship between Islam and politics is distinctive, a replay of the Western model – a Protestant reformation followed by an enlightenment in which religion is gradually pushed into a private realm – is unlikely.
“If Islam is likely to play an outsized role in Middle East politics for the foreseeable future – and it is my contention that it will – then this has significant implications. It means that, instead of hoping for a reformation that will likely never come, we have to address Islamic exceptionalism and, to the extent we are able and willing, come to terms with it.”
But what doe that mean, come to terms with it?
Unfortunately, Hamid’s book offers little in the way of a strategy, either for how the West should deal with the Middle East, or how Western countries should deal with an influx of Muslims who hold values that are at odds with Western values.
While he disagrees with the “clash of civilizations” theory, Hamid concedes there is a “clash of values” when it comes to Muslims living in Western countries.
“Somewhat remarkably, 0 percent – yes, 0 percent – of British Muslims apparently believe homosexuality is morally acceptable,” he writes. He cites another survey that found 28 percent of British Muslims would prefer to live under sharia law.
Hamid’s book does not end optimistically that one day all of the violence and social and cultural discord that Islam has fueled in the Middle East and the West will one day be just a bad memory.
“If Islam is, in fact, distinctive in how it relates to politics and if a reformation is not in the cards – or if it already happened – then the foundational divides that have torn the Middle East apart will persist, and for a long time to some.”
Considering the rising trends for the latter, can open society with its commitment to secularism, free speech, individual freedom, equal rights and democracy coexist peacefully with Caliphatism, the pursuit of a World Caliphate?
As Senior Fellow at the Brookings Institution, Shadi Hamid seems predestined to find positive answers to that worrisome question. After listening to a two-hour podcast dialogue between Sam Harris and Hamid, I was so enthused that I ordered this book to better understand his perspectives.
I was deeply disappointed. The book comes across very different from what I heard in the Harris-Hamid conversation. Will the real Shadi Hamid please stand up?
The book shows great sympathy for the perspectives of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood which currently makes its presence felt across US and UK campuses. Perhaps to him, the Brotherhood is a legitimate democratic movement, never mind its terrorist history.
Intentional or not, Hamid comes across as sympathizer for its Caliphatic vision, albeit by democratic means, complete with Sharia as its legal foundation. Really? Sharia is a pre-medieval law code prescribing the inequality of women, the violent suppression of homosexuality and death to all Islam-skeptic voices inside the future Caliphate, among other things.
At times, the book seems to equate belief with knowledge. Real Muslims don’t “believe” in the hereafter, they “know” it. Does Hamid “know” that as well? Will the real Shadi Hamid please stand up?
Hamid even appears to defend the Brotherhood’s view that satire about the prophet is equivalent to the denial of the Holocaust. Is he kidding?
Other issues he neglects to address:
1. Pursuing a totalitarian Caliphate by democratic means doesn’t make the aim any less totalitarian – as the Nazis demonstrated in the 1930s.
2. Even when the majority doesn’t like it, freedom is always the freedom of the others. See our First Amendment. Even in Muslim societies, people should be free to openly practice different religions, leave religions or be openly Atheist, among other things.
3. Even in Muslim societies overwhelmingly hostile towards homosexuality, upholding the UN declaration of human rights should not be subject to approval by popular vote! Hamid is unclear on this issue.
4. For Hamid, Turkey and Indonesia seem to be reasonable role models for democratic, Islam. Reasonable?
• In December, 2016 the Turkish government forbade German language schools in Turkey to celebrate Christmas with its students.
• At the same time, the Government of Indonesia put a Christian Governor(!) on trial for blasphemy against the Prophet: in 2016, not 1416.
The greatest hope for world peace may be Thomas Jefferson’s idea of the separation of church and state. Religion is strictly a private matter. Caliphatic nightmares deserve no sympathy - even in Muslim majority countries. Or are we ready for another religious war like in 17th century Germany that killed nearly half of its population?
This author acknowledges the longing in much of the Umma, and divinely dictated prophecy in the Koran and Hadiths, for a global submission to Islamic rule whereby to purify humanity in time for the Day of Judgement.
Like the idea that certain races are fundamentally inferior and thus should expect to remain in slavery in perpetuity, the idea of a global caliphate is as abhorrent as it is crazy.
The Southern States of the US had to be forcibly wrenched from their destructive racist delusions. Shadi Hamid, however, sees Islamic things differently in this book, and advises that the rest of the world get to understand this deranged mindset and accommodate to it.
In the 1930s many influential people, who at heart detested everything that Hitler stood for, imagined that peaceful co existence with a regime harbouring a world domination fantasy was possible.
Sure this book is informative about the growth and development of a dangerous crackpot notion, but his proposed solution leaves everything to be desired.





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