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It's OK to Be Angry About Capitalism Hardcover – February 21, 2023

by Senator Bernie Sanders (Author), John Nichols

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NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER • A progressive takedown of the uber-capitalist status quo that has enriched millionaires and billionaires at the expense of the working class, and a blueprint for what transformational change would actually look like

“A clarion call against the American oligarchs . . . powerful.”—The Guardian

It’s OK to be angry about capitalism. Reflecting on our turbulent times, Senator Bernie Sanders takes on the billionaire class and speaks blunt truths about our country’s failure to address the destructive nature of a system that is fueled by uncontrolled greed and rigidly committed to prioritizing corporate profits over the needs of ordinary Americans.

Sanders argues that unfettered capitalism is to blame for an unprecedented level of income and wealth inequality, is undermining our democracy, and is destroying our planet. How can we accept an economic order that allows three billionaires to control more wealth than the bottom half of our society? How can we accept a political system that allows the super rich to buy politicians and swing elections? How can we accept an energy system that rewards the fossil fuel corporations causing the climate crisis? Sanders believes that, in the face of these overwhelming challenges, the American people must ask tough questions about the systems that have failed us and demand fundamental economic and political change. This is where the path forward begins.

It’s OK to Be Angry About Capitalism presents a vision that extends beyond the promises of past campaigns to reveal what would be possible if the political revolution took place, if we would finally recognize that economic rights are human rights, and if we would work to create a society that provides a decent standard of living for all. This isn’t some utopian fantasy; this is democracy as we should know it.

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320 pages
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Crown
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February 21, 2023
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978-0593238714
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Popular Highlights in this book

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True individual freedom cannot exist without economic security and independence.
Highlighted by 484 Kindle readers
Economic rights are human rights, and true individual freedom cannot exist without those rights.
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The uber-capitalist economic system that has taken hold in the United States in recent years, propelled by uncontrollable greed and contempt for human decency, is not merely unjust. It is grossly immoral.
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From the Publisher

There is nothing more American than questioning the systems and demanding the changes we need

Only be ending oligarchy can we begin to realize America’s promise.

The working class must unite to fight for a government that represents all people—not just the 1%.

This book is a blueprint for progressive change.

Editorial Reviews

Review

“A clarion call against the American oligarchs . . . powerful.”—The Guardian

About the Author

Bernie Sanders is serving his third term in the U.S. Senate and is the longest-serving Independent member of Congress in American history. He is the chairman of the Budget Committee, where he helped write the $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan, one of the most significant pieces of legislation in our modern history. In the Senate, Sanders is leading the fight for Medicare for All, for combating climate change, and for making public colleges and universities tuition free.

John Nichols is an award-winning progressive author and journalist who serves as the national affairs correspondent for The Nation.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

1

Not Me, Us

The 2020 campaign and the fight to transform our country

On April 8, 2020, after almost fourteen months of competing for the Democratic presidential nomination, I announced that we were suspending our campaign. The important message in the statement I made that day was “While this campaign is coming to an end, our movement is not.”

Given the growing pandemic, and social distancing requirements that effectively ended in-person campaigning, I made the announcement through a livestream from my home. I was deeply moved that some seven million people ended up viewing it. During my remarks, I chose to focus less on the practicalities of a campaign that had fallen short in the delegate count and more on the historic nature of what we had accomplished.

“I cannot in good conscience continue to mount a campaign that cannot win and which would interfere with the important work required of all of us in this difficult hour,” I explained. “But let me say this very emphatically: As you all know, we have never been just a campaign. We are a grassroots, multiracial, multigenerational movement which has always believed that real change never comes from the top on down but always from the bottom on up.”

Our campaign was like none other in modern American history. Built upon the foundation of a 2016 bid that had proposed a political revolution, we forged a grassroots working-class movement that was national in character, and which sought to overcome the overwhelming barriers to progress in the Democratic Party and the broader politics of the United States.

I ran, as had been the case since my first campaign almost fifty years earlier, as a democratic socialist who was ready and willing to take on the oligarchs, the plutocrats, and the billionaire class that had turned our economic system into their plaything. But this time was different. While my ideas were still dismissed as “radical” by political elites and many in the media, I began the 2020 campaign with a base of supporters that numbered in the millions and was prepared to fight for fundamental change. By the time the campaign was done, we had taken on Wall Street and the enormously powerful economic interests that control not just the economy but the politics of our nation. We had challenged the billionaire class and the corporate elite, their media and their super-PACs. We had taken on the political establishment in both major parties.

From the start, we achieved victories that shocked the pundits. We won the popular vote in the first three primary states on the way to securing almost ten million votes nationwide for a campaign that was suspended before more than two dozen primaries were held. We won California, the most populous state in the country, by more than 450,000 votes. For a time, we led the national polls, not only in the race for the Democratic nomination but in head-to-head matchups against Donald Trump. And we built a movement powered by young people who were prepared to trudge through snow to knock on doors in northern New Hampshire and to sweat through ninety-degree days in South Texas.

We had organized the most ambitious and most successful progressive presidential campaign in a century. Our ideas, which just a few years earlier had been dismissed as too extreme to be politically viable, had become part of the mainstream Democratic Party agenda. Our supporters and allies had begun to be elected to seats in Congress, and to chair state parties. We had expanded political consciousness and gotten millions of Americans to embrace a new understanding of what they had a right to expect from their government.

Most important for the long term, as a result of our campaign, young people were participating in the political process at an unprecedented rate. It turned out that our ideas and our movement were, in fact, the future of the Democratic Party. While poll after poll showed us doing more poorly than we’d hoped with older voters, those same polls showed that we were swamping the other candidates among younger voters—winning overwhelming support from Black, Latino, Asian American, Native American, and white voters under age forty. What was striking was that these young people were not only voting for us; they were the foundation of our grassroots campaign. They were the ones handing out literature, making phone calls, texting, raising small contributions, and volunteering in a hundred different ways.

A Campaign Finance Revolution

Our campaign attracted a new generation of voters because we revolutionized modern presidential politics.

At a time when virtually all campaigns were funded by super-PACs and the very rich, we broke that long-established mold and created an entirely new approach to raising sufficiently large sums of money to run a truly national presidential campaign. We did not hold one fundraiser in a billionaire’s mansion. We did not seek the support of super-PACs. Our campaign was fueled by the working class—teachers, postal clerks, Amazon warehouse workers, nurses, small-business owners, farmers, and veterans—with more than two million individual donors making ten million contributions that averaged $18.50. No campaign in American history had ever received that kind of support. We had revolutionized campaign financing, developing an entirely new model that rejected Big Money and put the people in control.

The way we ran our campaign was intentional. We knew that, to reach people who had grown justifiably cynical about politics, we had to abandon the practices that had caused tens of millions of American to lose faith in both major parties. We didn’t just talk about “rejecting the influence of big corporate money”—although I did that a lot—we actually did it. And we explained why it was absolutely necessary to reject “greed-fueled, corrupt corporate influence over elections.” The simple truth, as I said in every stump speech, is that no elected official is going to represent ordinary Americans and take on the special interests if they are beholden to Big Money. You can’t receive campaign contributions from the pharmaceutical industry and lower the outrageous cost of prescription drugs. You can’t rely on funding from the fossil fuel industry and combat climate change. You can’t take big checks from CEOs who have made their fortunes running non-union plants and then implement pro-worker labor law reforms. You can’t do fundraising events with billionaires and help develop a fair and progressive tax system.

Ultimately, of course, this country needs to enact fundamental campaign finance reforms to overturn the disastrous Supreme Court ruling in Citizens United and establish public funding of elections. But to get to the point where we can enact those reforms, candidates have to break free from the stranglehold of Big Money. And the only way to do that, as I learned a long time ago, is by relying on contributions from working-class people. Our campaign showed it was possible to do this even at the level of presidential politics.

Initially, we were told our approach was impractical. That it could never work. I knew that was wrong. So I went on social media and wrote: “I have a wild idea: I want to challenge you to help our campaign hit a goal that will absolutely astonish the political and financial establishment.” People from all across the country responded and political veterans were, indeed, astonished when our campaign raised $45 million in a single month—February 2020—with more than 2.2 million donations. The Guardian newspaper said we’d “established a gold standard for small-dollar fundraising.”

I was enormously proud of what we accomplished. I was prouder still of the legacy of our grassroots online fundraising efforts, which can be seen in the campaigns of a new generation of candidates, especially those running for Congress, who have rejected all corporate PAC money, basing their fundraising on small donations—ensuring they will never have to bend to pressure from Big Money interests.

Product details

Publisher ‏ : ‎ Crown (February 21, 2023)
Language ‏ : ‎ English
Hardcover ‏ : ‎ 320 pages
ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0593238710
ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0593238714
Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 1.2 pounds
Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 6.43 x 1.1 x 9.55 inches

Best Sellers Rank: #14,712 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #11 in Political Economy
- #17 in Economic Conditions (Books)
- #29 in United States National Government

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Bernie Sanders

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BERNIE SANDERS ran as a Democratic candidate for President of the United States in 2015 and 2016. He served as mayor of Burlington, Vermont’s largest city, for eight years before defeating an incumbent Republican to be the sole congressperson for the state in the U.S. House of Representatives in 1991. He was elected to the Senate in 2007 and is now in his second term, making him the longest-serving independent in the history of the Congress. He lives in Burlington, Vermont, with his wife, Jane, and has four children and seven grandchildren.

Photo by United States Congress (http://sanders.senate.gov/) [Public domain], via Wikimedia Commons

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Customers find the book good, easy to read, and well-written. They also find the content insightful, informative, and filled with facts and details. Readers describe the author as amazing and morally consistent. Opinions are mixed on the sleeve condition, with some finding it excellent and genuine, while others say it came damaged.

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34 customers mention "Insight"30 positive4 negative

Customers find the book insightful, excellent, and informative. They say it's filled with facts and details. Readers also describe the author as intelligent, inspiring, and eye-opening. Additionally, they mention the book provides a reasonable blueprint in terms of tactics with voter and community engagement.

"...Sanders doesn’t sugarcoat anything, and while it's inspiring, it also leaves you wondering how long it'll take for real change to happen." Read more

"...His arguments will make you at least seriously think. A great summary of much that is working against the bottom 99% of us and examples from..." Read more

"...This is a good and fairly easy read. And filled with facts and details that even for those of us that followed him pretty close will learn a thing..." Read more

"This book was thoughtful and informative. Bernie Sanders lays out his platform well, and reminds me what a true warrior he is...." Read more

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Gary Moreau, Author

An election year must-read.

Reviewed in the United States on March 27, 2024

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I seldom read books written by politicians or their armies of consultants and aides. They are too predictably self-serving and inevitably provide little that is new or insightful. This book was an exception, and I was richly rewarded for my purchase and time. It is concise, well-written, and without reservation. Bernie threw caution to the wind and said what is known, but seldom talked about, in the halls of contemporary power in America today.

Bernie addresses all the usual suspects, from health care to climate change. But he saves his greatest wrath for the capitalist forces that subordinate and exploit working Americans, most of whom are indentured wage-earners, and 60% of which struggle to get by from one paycheck to another. As he so correctly notes, it is capitalism itself, now hijacked by the owners of capital who control Wall Street, the banks, and corporate America, that is to blame for much of what ails America today.

“The uber-capitalist economic system that has taken hold in the United States in recent years, propelled by uncontrollable greed and contempt for human decency, is not merely unjust. It is grossly immoral.”

We are, as a result, witnesses to, and victims of, the greatest consolidation of wealth and income the country has ever seen:

“Yet, roughly 90 percent of the wealth of the nation is owned by one-tenth of 1 percent of that total [population].”

“Three firms – BlackRock, Vanguard, and State Street – now control assets of over $20 trillion and are the major stockholders in more than 96 percent of S&P companies.”

“…three multibillionaires own more wealth than the 160 million Americans who make up the bottom half of our society.”

Workers “wages have been stagnant for fifty years” despite huge increases in productivity, the benefits of which has all been transferred upward.

There are many culprits, as Bernie notes, but none more significant than the formation of monopolies in all facets of the economy, particularly tech and finance. The eighteenth-century Scottish political economist, Adam Smith, who provided the blueprint for Western democratic capitalism, warned us that while free markets are more productive than regulated markets, they are prone to the formation of monopolies, which have to be regulated out of existence or they will destroy economic balance.

This inherent tendency, however, was hastened by the tech revolution, which famously removed the most significant barrier to monopolization; the capture, management, and dissemination of information. No longer restricted by geography or the practical constraints of managing growth, the tech revolution, having first established massive tech monopolies through structural disruption, not managerial talent, went on to monopolize traditional industries of every stripe – all while enriching Wall Street, the banks, and the capital class.

“Today, roughly 90 percent of all U.S. media is controlled by eight major media conglomerates…“

“In 2020, the CEOs of just eight prescription drug companies made $350 million in total compensation.”

The most visible manifestation of this demonic uber-capitalism is the total commercialization of American society and culture. Corporate executives were turned into capitalists by the activist shareholders of the 1980s and 90s. Entertainment and leisure was commercialized at about the same time.

In the 00s and 10s our political system was commercialized by the super-PACs and SCOTUS, which gave us Citizens United and Buckley v. Valeo, essentially turning our politicians into puppets of the capitalist class.

Most recently, even amateur sports have been uber-commercialized, as witnessed by the NCAA men’s and women’s basketball championship. NIL’s and the trade portal, along with corporate glorification of celebrity college athletes in the interest of selling unrelated products have made college sports a battle of mercenaries, essentially vaporizing the notion of team play and team spirit.

All told, this is a great book that shines a light on the blight of uber-capitalism and its negative impact on our politics, our society, and the quality of the lives we lead. In this election year it is the one book you should read. Thank you, Bernie.

12 people found this helpful

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Jay A. Nesbit

Solid Policy Suggestions for us Humanists

Reviewed in the United States on September 13, 2024

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Bernie Sanders' "It's OK to Be Angry About Capitalism" really gets to the heart of the frustrations so many of us feel. He does a great job pointing out the flaws in our system, from income inequality to the way big corporations seem to have more say in our lives than we do. Sanders lays out a bunch of solid policy suggestions, and honestly, I agree with most of them. The problem, which he acknowledges, is that even though these ideas have wide support among regular people, getting Congress to act on them is a whole other story.

It’s frustrating because Sanders shows that many of these changes, like universal healthcare or raising the minimum wage, are totally possible. The real barrier is the political gridlock and special interests that keep things stuck. This book is a good wake-up call for anyone who feels like the system is broken but isn’t sure why or how to fix it. Sanders doesn’t sugarcoat anything, and while it's inspiring, it also leaves you wondering how long it'll take for real change to happen.

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Derek Lindsay

Highly recommended reading!

Reviewed in the United States on August 11, 2024

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Even if you end up disagreeing with much of what Bernie has to say, you won’t be able to deny his devotion and concern for the working class. His arguments will make you at least seriously think. A great summary of much that is working against the bottom 99% of us and examples from around the nation and world of what works. Bernie will challenge a lot of deeply held notions and may open your eyes to forces shaping society and the economy of which you are unaware.

2 people found this helpful

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Matthew Rapaport

A cry of the heart for a more equitable America

Reviewed in the United States on June 9, 2024

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A “cry of the heart” from a principled politician is refreshing. I have no objection to some people being more prosperous than others, and neither does Mr. Sanders. But the wealth disparity in the U.S. is genuinely obscene and more so in that the wealthiest among us do not contribute proportionally to maintain everything needed to keep their capital flows going. Every branch of the U.S. government is now captured by monied interests, the legislature most of all, and this is true at both national and State levels. Sanders repeatedly touches on this issue and rightly so. It is the core of our problem.

In some detail, Sanders covers health care, education, child care, the media (all types), and our political process. His overarching issue is the class conflict between labor and capital, between the owners of concentrated capital and the population who labor to produce the goods and services that generate the wealth. He is right. Sanders is no Marxist. He is not opposed to class distinctions. He wants to make the distinctions more balanced and he is right to do so because the present disparity is causing tens of millions to suffer in one way or another.

Sanders paints with a broad brush—necessary to keep the book of moderate length and easily read. He succeeds on both counts, but there is a price to be paid. Many of his arguments are oversimplified. The petroleum industry—even despite its decades of obfuscation on the subject—is not solely responsible for climate change. A great deal of that accountability belongs to consumers, most of whom are of the laboring class.

Sanders writes a lot about the disarray of the present Democratic party and how it has come about. He is right about much of it. Citizens United in 2009 did not help, forcing Democrats into the same fund-raising frenzy from the rich as the Republicans. But one thing he doesn’t mention is the present cultural obsession with identity politics, a phenomenon whose emergence has been solely an effort of the political left beginning in the 1970s. As much as anything else, besides money, this has distracted the Democratic Party from the wider issue of class. No matter to what race you belong or the LGBTQ+ letter you choose for yourself, you are still, most likely, among the laboring class. That most fundamental, political divide is now diffused by the demands of alternate identities.

I am being perhaps unfair to Sanders. His goal is not an exhaustive analysis of factors responsible for America’s social, cultural, and political unraveling. He wants us to aspire to a better American society for all, even capitalists who will face less resentment should Sanders’ vision for balancing the scales ever come about. It might never be possible, but it is a good and hopeful vision.

2 people found this helpful

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Sandy

Bernie should have been the President!

Reviewed in the United States on September 2, 2024

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This book is very good!

2 people found this helpful

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fm

Escrito para ser compreendido

Reviewed in Brazil on May 28, 2024

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O que mais tenho gostado, e de ler enquanto escuto no audible a narracao feita pelo proprio Sanders (uma experiencia hilaria). Bernie tem o dom da palavra. Dessa vez tive sorte o livro demorou mas chegou sem avarias.

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Derek Smith

The older I get.....

Reviewed in Canada on March 24, 2024

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It is funny, but the older I get, the more Bernie Sanders resonates with my limited view of life. As a life-long small "c" conservative, I always believed in the principals of the free market. But Bernie Sanders highlights the dangers of extreme capitalism and the myths we all accepted without questioning. Wonderful book, wonderfully insightful leader who always stayed true to his beliefs.

Vladimir Bajic

This should be a textbook in every school

Reviewed in Germany on October 26, 2024

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love it.

Tyler Wood-Chappell

Insightful, informative

Reviewed in the United Kingdom on August 20, 2024

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Very informative and insightful lots of talking points with the main point being the transfer of wealth from the lower class to the elite.

Amazing read. Would recommend

José Macaya

Gran exposición de lo que es EEUU hoy

Reviewed in Spain on March 25, 2024

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En los primeros capítulos Bernie Sanders nos cuenta sin éxitos electorales y políticos, lo que no era lo que yo buscaba al comprar este libro. Pero también hace una descripción llena de datos contundentes sobre la situación política real en EEUU, y de los problemas que causan las tremendas disparidades económicas. Todo el libro es interesante, pero nadie debe quedarse sin leer los capítulos 4, 5 y 9, para tener una visión de lo que es EEUU hoy.

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Few politicians can say they’ve fought for the same beliefs as when they came in. Amazing book.

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Bernie Sanders

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Few politicians can say they’ve fought for the same beliefs as when they came in. Amazing book.

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