Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam Edition Unstated
by
Gilles Kepel
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Anthony F. Roberts
(Translator)
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Gilles Kepel
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Editorial Reviews
Review
“Gilles Kepel’s landmark book…provides an in-depth history and compelling overview of the emergence of Islamist political movements in the late 20th century.”―Anna Russell, Wall Street Journal
“An early and most perceptive student of [Islamism] was Gilles Kepel, a French political scientist who has traveled widely through the Muslim world and has written about fundamentalism in both the East and the West. He is also the best-known commentator on Islamic affairs on French television, and he has advised international leaders at the Davos conferences. In short, Kepel is not only a leading scholar but also a man of the world… [Jihad] is probably the best introduction to Islamism currently available.”―Walter Laqueur, The Atlantic
“Islam’s radical politicalization had peaked long before September 11th…[Kepel] argues provocatively in a landmark book. So devastating and unexpected was the September 11th attack on America that many people concluded that Islamic extremism had become a threat of monstrous and mushrooming proportions. That idea is deftly countered in this brilliant and provocative book by a leading French specialist on modern Islam. Gilles Kepel argues that the attack can only be understood in the light of the rise and fall of political Islam, or Islamism as he calls it, over the past quarter-century.”―The Economist
“The French scholar Gilles Kepel, who documents the failure of political Islam in [this] excellent book…makes a comparison to communism. It was in the 1960s, after communism had lost any possible appeal to ordinary people―after the revelations about Stalin’s brutality, after the invasion of Hungary, as its economic model was decaying―that communist radicals turned to terror. They became members of the Red Brigades, the Stern Gang, the Naxalites, the Shining Path. Having given up on winning the hearts of people, they hoped that violence would intimidate people into fearing them. That is where radical political Islam is today.”―Fareed Zakaria, Newsweek
“In Jihad Gilles Kepel offers a masterly display of scholarship that describes how a radical idea spread through large segments of the Islamic world in the 1970s and 1980s… Mr. Kepel leads us on a breathtaking excursion. He trails the Islamist movements that have traversed Europe in recent years, founding radical communities in France, Britain, Germany and Belgium.”―Adrian Karatnycky, Wall Street Journal
“[Kepel] is one of the world’s leading experts on the Islamic resurgence: [He] began doing fieldwork among fundamentalists in the Middle East in the 1970s, and he has remained attuned to their world ever since. Only a handful of scholars can command as much authority, and none of these is as bold as Kepel… Kepel’s willingness to investigate the entire Muslim world in a single volume helps us greatly in our attempt to understand al Qaeda, whose tentacles extend into almost every Islamic country. The combination of scope and expertise puts this book in a league of its own. Kepel grounds his argument in a sophisticated analysis of inter-Muslim relations. Given all the stale talk of a clash of civilizations, there is a freshness to Kepel’s focus on the international Muslim debate. We have never been sufficiently aware that the primary architects of the Islamic revolt against the West have regarded their struggle as a tool for gaining power over fellow Muslims.”―Michael Scott Doran, Washington Post
“Jihad…will be a welcome respite for anyone who fears the fury associated with militant Islam. Despite the terrorist attacks of September 11 and the Palestinian suicide bombings in Israel, Gilles Kepel argues that the trend is, in fact, now on its last legs. The violence is merely a reflection of the movement’s failure, not its success… [Kepel] comes to this conclusion in a thoughtful and expansive chronicle of the contemporary Islamist movement from Cairo to Kabul, from Kuala Lumpur all the way to ‘Londonistan’… [This book] is a compelling read that makes an appealing case.”―Robin Wright, New York Times Book Review
“Gilles Kepel’s Jihad…makes an ideal companion to morning newspapers filled with frustratingly context-free briefs from the war on terrorism… This is a decidedly grounded book; it’s political in the most elemental sense of the word. Although Kepel clearly believes in the Western ideal of civil society, he puts himself in the place of ordinary Muslims in the nations he writes about, rather than viewing their problems from a Western perspective.”―Laura Miller, Salon
“A veritable deluge of books has appeared in bookstores since Sept. 11, 2001, purporting to lay bare the background of militant Islam. Perhaps the most definitive is Gilles Kepel’s Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam. Kepel is well-placed to tell its story given his extensive travels in the very places where militant Islam was born and nurtured. He has used that experience to craft a compelling account of the movements that make it up… Kepel’s survey of that world is a remarkably useful tool in placing in context the various groups that appear in our newspapers but remain little more than shadowy cells with vague agendas.”―Steven Martinovich, Fort Lauderdale Sun-Sentinel
“The author of several influential books on Islam, [Gilles Kepel has] spent the last five years writing Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam. September 11 gave him a new framework, but he sees that event in a way that will surprise (and please) many who have lately been trying to comprehend the meaning of Islamic politics… An usual commentator on recent events, Professor Kepel is a messenger carrying good news.”―Robert Fulford, Toronto National and Financial Post
“We hear more about Muslim extremists than ever before, but Kepel argues that the terrorism seen today throughout the world results from the failure of Islamic fundamentalism and not its success… Fascinating despite its copious detail, Kepel’s history has a wider focus than Ahmed Rashid’s Jihad and more analytical depth than Robin Wright’s Sacred Rage. The first in-depth history of political Islam appropriate for newcomers to Islamic history.”―John Green, Booklist
“Kepel’s timely volume is the first in-depth attempt to follow the history and geography of this political–religious phenomenon… Kepel concludes that the movement will have great difficulty reversing its decline in the 21st century. Written lucidly, this excellent study fills a gap in the literature.”―S. Ayubi, Choice
“[T]here are few comprehensive and analytically sound books in the Euro-American world that explain the recent ascendance of militant Islam to the Western audience. This book by Kepel, a professor at the Institute for Political Studies in Paris and a leading European specialist on contemporary Islamic movements, is a welcome addition to the growing literature on this topic. Meticulously researched and written in a jargon-free narrative style, the book covers the trials and tribulations of political Islam throughout the world… A standout in the field of current books, this is a sophisticated and timely work that places the events of September 11 in historical and sociopolitical context and sheds greater light on the influence of Osama bin Laden and his movement. Highly recommended.”―Nader Entessar, Library Journal
“Kepel clearly traces the rise of the contemporary Islamist movement from its origins in the mid-20th century through its later appearance in countries such as Malaysia, Algeria and Turkey, as well as in Western Europe… Amid the plethora of books on Islam released since September 11, this work stands out, both for its erudition and its provocative thesis.”―Publishers Weekly
“This is a landmark book, a work of breadth and scope and scholarship, and genuine imaginative powers. It should be the standard source on political Islam.”―Fouad Ajami, author of Dream Palace of the Arabs: A Generation’s Odyssey
“An early and most perceptive student of [Islamism] was Gilles Kepel, a French political scientist who has traveled widely through the Muslim world and has written about fundamentalism in both the East and the West. He is also the best-known commentator on Islamic affairs on French television, and he has advised international leaders at the Davos conferences. In short, Kepel is not only a leading scholar but also a man of the world… [Jihad] is probably the best introduction to Islamism currently available.”―Walter Laqueur, The Atlantic
“Islam’s radical politicalization had peaked long before September 11th…[Kepel] argues provocatively in a landmark book. So devastating and unexpected was the September 11th attack on America that many people concluded that Islamic extremism had become a threat of monstrous and mushrooming proportions. That idea is deftly countered in this brilliant and provocative book by a leading French specialist on modern Islam. Gilles Kepel argues that the attack can only be understood in the light of the rise and fall of political Islam, or Islamism as he calls it, over the past quarter-century.”―The Economist
“The French scholar Gilles Kepel, who documents the failure of political Islam in [this] excellent book…makes a comparison to communism. It was in the 1960s, after communism had lost any possible appeal to ordinary people―after the revelations about Stalin’s brutality, after the invasion of Hungary, as its economic model was decaying―that communist radicals turned to terror. They became members of the Red Brigades, the Stern Gang, the Naxalites, the Shining Path. Having given up on winning the hearts of people, they hoped that violence would intimidate people into fearing them. That is where radical political Islam is today.”―Fareed Zakaria, Newsweek
“In Jihad Gilles Kepel offers a masterly display of scholarship that describes how a radical idea spread through large segments of the Islamic world in the 1970s and 1980s… Mr. Kepel leads us on a breathtaking excursion. He trails the Islamist movements that have traversed Europe in recent years, founding radical communities in France, Britain, Germany and Belgium.”―Adrian Karatnycky, Wall Street Journal
“[Kepel] is one of the world’s leading experts on the Islamic resurgence: [He] began doing fieldwork among fundamentalists in the Middle East in the 1970s, and he has remained attuned to their world ever since. Only a handful of scholars can command as much authority, and none of these is as bold as Kepel… Kepel’s willingness to investigate the entire Muslim world in a single volume helps us greatly in our attempt to understand al Qaeda, whose tentacles extend into almost every Islamic country. The combination of scope and expertise puts this book in a league of its own. Kepel grounds his argument in a sophisticated analysis of inter-Muslim relations. Given all the stale talk of a clash of civilizations, there is a freshness to Kepel’s focus on the international Muslim debate. We have never been sufficiently aware that the primary architects of the Islamic revolt against the West have regarded their struggle as a tool for gaining power over fellow Muslims.”―Michael Scott Doran, Washington Post
“Jihad…will be a welcome respite for anyone who fears the fury associated with militant Islam. Despite the terrorist attacks of September 11 and the Palestinian suicide bombings in Israel, Gilles Kepel argues that the trend is, in fact, now on its last legs. The violence is merely a reflection of the movement’s failure, not its success… [Kepel] comes to this conclusion in a thoughtful and expansive chronicle of the contemporary Islamist movement from Cairo to Kabul, from Kuala Lumpur all the way to ‘Londonistan’… [This book] is a compelling read that makes an appealing case.”―Robin Wright, New York Times Book Review
“Gilles Kepel’s Jihad…makes an ideal companion to morning newspapers filled with frustratingly context-free briefs from the war on terrorism… This is a decidedly grounded book; it’s political in the most elemental sense of the word. Although Kepel clearly believes in the Western ideal of civil society, he puts himself in the place of ordinary Muslims in the nations he writes about, rather than viewing their problems from a Western perspective.”―Laura Miller, Salon
“A veritable deluge of books has appeared in bookstores since Sept. 11, 2001, purporting to lay bare the background of militant Islam. Perhaps the most definitive is Gilles Kepel’s Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam. Kepel is well-placed to tell its story given his extensive travels in the very places where militant Islam was born and nurtured. He has used that experience to craft a compelling account of the movements that make it up… Kepel’s survey of that world is a remarkably useful tool in placing in context the various groups that appear in our newspapers but remain little more than shadowy cells with vague agendas.”―Steven Martinovich, Fort Lauderdale Sun-Sentinel
“The author of several influential books on Islam, [Gilles Kepel has] spent the last five years writing Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam. September 11 gave him a new framework, but he sees that event in a way that will surprise (and please) many who have lately been trying to comprehend the meaning of Islamic politics… An usual commentator on recent events, Professor Kepel is a messenger carrying good news.”―Robert Fulford, Toronto National and Financial Post
“We hear more about Muslim extremists than ever before, but Kepel argues that the terrorism seen today throughout the world results from the failure of Islamic fundamentalism and not its success… Fascinating despite its copious detail, Kepel’s history has a wider focus than Ahmed Rashid’s Jihad and more analytical depth than Robin Wright’s Sacred Rage. The first in-depth history of political Islam appropriate for newcomers to Islamic history.”―John Green, Booklist
“Kepel’s timely volume is the first in-depth attempt to follow the history and geography of this political–religious phenomenon… Kepel concludes that the movement will have great difficulty reversing its decline in the 21st century. Written lucidly, this excellent study fills a gap in the literature.”―S. Ayubi, Choice
“[T]here are few comprehensive and analytically sound books in the Euro-American world that explain the recent ascendance of militant Islam to the Western audience. This book by Kepel, a professor at the Institute for Political Studies in Paris and a leading European specialist on contemporary Islamic movements, is a welcome addition to the growing literature on this topic. Meticulously researched and written in a jargon-free narrative style, the book covers the trials and tribulations of political Islam throughout the world… A standout in the field of current books, this is a sophisticated and timely work that places the events of September 11 in historical and sociopolitical context and sheds greater light on the influence of Osama bin Laden and his movement. Highly recommended.”―Nader Entessar, Library Journal
“Kepel clearly traces the rise of the contemporary Islamist movement from its origins in the mid-20th century through its later appearance in countries such as Malaysia, Algeria and Turkey, as well as in Western Europe… Amid the plethora of books on Islam released since September 11, this work stands out, both for its erudition and its provocative thesis.”―Publishers Weekly
“This is a landmark book, a work of breadth and scope and scholarship, and genuine imaginative powers. It should be the standard source on political Islam.”―Fouad Ajami, author of Dream Palace of the Arabs: A Generation’s Odyssey
About the Author
Gilles Kepel is Professor and Chair of Middle East Studies at the Institute of Political Studies in Paris.
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Product details
- Publisher : Belknap Press: An Imprint of Harvard University Press; Edition Unstated (March 31, 2003)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 464 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0674010906
- ISBN-13 : 978-0674010901
- Item Weight : 1.16 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.14 x 1.04 x 9.21 inches
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Best Sellers Rank:
#115,611 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #17 in Islam (Books)
- #44 in Middle Eastern History (Books)
- #68 in Regional Geography
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Reviewed in the United States on August 13, 2005
Verified Purchase
Although published just after the American destruction of the Taliban in Afghanistan, Kepel's lessons are easily applied to the Iraq War. He brilliantly analyzes the Islamist movement over the last half century and shows that, far from being the wave of the future, Islamism has failed virtually everywhere and the current violent phase is actually the movement's death throes. More than speculating, Kepel shows WHY this has happened in Algeria, Egypt, Pakistan, and elsewhere and holds out real hope for the future. Islamism sounded good in comparison to brutal, corrupt authoritarian regimes, but looks bad compared to democracy. READ THIS BOOK!
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Reviewed in the United States on April 16, 2003
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Having spend several years living and traveling in the Gulf during the 1970's I felt this book was extremely informative and thorough in its review and discussion of political islam. For anyone who really, really wants to know what is going on in that part of the world - this is the book to get.
14 people found this helpful
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Reviewed in the United States on July 20, 2016
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Arrived in good condition for a reasonable price.
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Reviewed in the United States on March 16, 2013
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My professor asked us to get the book. It is easy to follow and very well structured and hopefully I will use it for another class.
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Reviewed in the United States on July 10, 2013
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I RESEARCHED FOR SOMETIME A BOOK THAT WOULD EXPLAIN HOW THE ISLAMISTS CAME TO POWER SINCE THE 60S. I WANTED TO UNDERSTAND HOW SUCH A COMPLEX RELIGION COULD INTERPET THEIR RELIGION TO MEET THEIR NEEDS AND BRING SO MANY LOWER AND MIDDLE CLASS INTO THE CIRCLE OF HATRED, OBSESSION WITH DEMANDING ALL PEOPLE TURN TO THEIR RELIGION REGARDLESS. THIS BOOK MAKES IT CLEAR WITH A LOOK AT THE SPECIFIC COUNTRIES HOW THIS HAS HAPPENDED IN DIFFERENT WAYS. THE WINS AND LOSSES ARE HIGHLIGHTED. EDUCATION PLAYS A MAJOR ROLE IN THIS ENTIRE MOVEMENT. SPREADING THEIR HATRED AND CONTAMINATING GOOD PEOPLE TO DEPISE THE WEST, THE JEWS, AND EVEN THOSE PEACEFUL MUSLIMS THAT DIDN'T WANT TO BE INVOLVED WITH THE RADICAL MOVEMENT. IT ALSO DEMONSTRATES HOW FUTILE DEMOCRACY AND AMERICA'S ATTEMPT AT CHANGING 3000 YEARS OF TRADITION, HARSH TREATMENT OF WOMEN, AMD THEIR LUST FOR WAR.
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Reviewed in the United States on September 26, 2006
As Walter Laqueur observed in The Atlantic in his March 2002 review of this Gilles Kepel book, his "obituary of Islamism was written before September 11."
What seemed truly astounding when I read this book four years ago was the extent of Kepel's knowledge --- and his fundamental ignorance. I hadn't realized, as I read, that the original French edition of this book came out in 2000. Still, it is extraordinary to think a scholar as widely read as Kepel could be so wrong, as he is here, as to pronounce radical Islam and jihad on the wane.
As the intervening years have proved, nothing could have been further from the truth, and of all people, Kepel should have known it. But Kepel's lack of knowledge on the origins of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt of the 1920s, or the writings of Hassan al-Banna and his heir, Sayyed Qutb (whom Nasser hanged in 1966) did NOT lead to the author's blindness.
What caused it was most likely Kepel's lack of understanding of the fundamentals of Islam itself. Like so many writers before and after, Kepel blamed the rise of radical Islam on the backwardness of Middle Eastern society, and the lack of political power of the rising middle class.
As Laqueur noted in The Atlantic, Kepel laid the attractiveness of Qutb's radical "message and in particular his appeal to violence" to broad swaths of Egyptian society to several mostly economic and intellectual factors. Qutb resonated for "students who could not find jobs; the religiously observant lower middle class, distrustful of modernity; and, generally speaking, all those disaffected by the state of affairs in the Muslim world who had become intellectually homeless after the failure of Arab nationalist ideology and of Marxism."
Actually, however, both Qutb's philosophy and its attractiveness to Egyptians and other middle eastern Muslims were powered by the same force --- the fact that Qutb based his thinking and writings on the classical jurisprudence of Islamic scholars across the centuries. And in this respect, Qutb was no different than many other radicals whom Kepel covers, including the violent Iranian religious revolutionary, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, and Pakistan's Mawlana Mawdudi, among others.
To understand the rootedness of these "radicals" in Islamic religious precepts and Islamic history, Kepel ought to read Dr. Andrew Bostom's Legacy of Jihad.
Certainly, Kepel is right about some factors that encouraged Islamic radicals to pursue their goals at the specific times that they did: In the 1980s and early 1990s, Khomeinist fanatics terrorized Iran unchallenged, Islamists seized power in Sudan and their cohorts had attempted coups in Algeria and Egypt as well. But more importantly, ragtag Afghan Islamist armies eventually defeated the Soviet Union there, and built a very successful propaganda campaign (though undoubtedly not entirely truthful) as a result.
But Kepel did not understand how Islamists saw their defeat and alienation from the Algerian majority, Egypt's mass arrests of terrorists or Sudan's surrender of Carlos the Jackal to the French, for criminal trial. To radicals, these were merely temporary setbacks, not the heralds of permanent defeat. Nor were they at all discouraged by the rise of Iran's so-called moderate, Mohammad Khatami (who was never moderate) or the protests of Saudi women for the right to drive cars independently.
Worse, Kepel did not understand that many Islamic scholars --- whom he and many foolhardy others presume to be "reformist" thinkers --- are themselves reputedly central figures in the Muslim Brotherhood, and in any case, fundamentalists in their own right.
Take Tariq Ramadan, the grandson of MB founder Hassan al-Banna, whose visa application the U.S. State Department twice, correctly, rejected [before finally caving in early January 2010.] Kepel accepts him as the "reformer" he pretends to be. But this is utter nonsense.
As J.C. Brissard recently noted on the Terror Finance Blog, ample evidence suggests Ramadan has links to terror. A 1999 Spanish police General Directorate memo, for example, stated that Ahmed Brahim --- who last April received a 10 year sentence for incitement to terrorism --- maintained "regular contacts with important figures of radical Islam such as Tariq Ramadan."
Likewise, Djamel Beghal --- sentenced to 10 years in March 2005 for participating in a foiled attack on the US Embassy in Paris --- in September 2001 aligned his religious "engagement" to the 1994 time when "he was in charge of writing the statements of Tariq Ramadan." Beghal later said he had also "attended the courses given by Tarek Ramadan." And "brothers Hani and Tariq Ramadan," according to a 2001 Swiss intelligence memo, together planned a 1991 Geneva meeting between Al Qaeda leader Ayman Al Zawahiri and Omar Abdel Rahman, mastermind of the 1993 World Trade Center attack. This was confirmed by the member of a Geneva mosque, who heard Hani Ramadan announce the upcoming meeting.
While Kepel conducted extensive and sometimes useful research, his conclusions are unreal.
--Alyssa A. Lappen
What seemed truly astounding when I read this book four years ago was the extent of Kepel's knowledge --- and his fundamental ignorance. I hadn't realized, as I read, that the original French edition of this book came out in 2000. Still, it is extraordinary to think a scholar as widely read as Kepel could be so wrong, as he is here, as to pronounce radical Islam and jihad on the wane.
As the intervening years have proved, nothing could have been further from the truth, and of all people, Kepel should have known it. But Kepel's lack of knowledge on the origins of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt of the 1920s, or the writings of Hassan al-Banna and his heir, Sayyed Qutb (whom Nasser hanged in 1966) did NOT lead to the author's blindness.
What caused it was most likely Kepel's lack of understanding of the fundamentals of Islam itself. Like so many writers before and after, Kepel blamed the rise of radical Islam on the backwardness of Middle Eastern society, and the lack of political power of the rising middle class.
As Laqueur noted in The Atlantic, Kepel laid the attractiveness of Qutb's radical "message and in particular his appeal to violence" to broad swaths of Egyptian society to several mostly economic and intellectual factors. Qutb resonated for "students who could not find jobs; the religiously observant lower middle class, distrustful of modernity; and, generally speaking, all those disaffected by the state of affairs in the Muslim world who had become intellectually homeless after the failure of Arab nationalist ideology and of Marxism."
Actually, however, both Qutb's philosophy and its attractiveness to Egyptians and other middle eastern Muslims were powered by the same force --- the fact that Qutb based his thinking and writings on the classical jurisprudence of Islamic scholars across the centuries. And in this respect, Qutb was no different than many other radicals whom Kepel covers, including the violent Iranian religious revolutionary, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, and Pakistan's Mawlana Mawdudi, among others.
To understand the rootedness of these "radicals" in Islamic religious precepts and Islamic history, Kepel ought to read Dr. Andrew Bostom's Legacy of Jihad.
Certainly, Kepel is right about some factors that encouraged Islamic radicals to pursue their goals at the specific times that they did: In the 1980s and early 1990s, Khomeinist fanatics terrorized Iran unchallenged, Islamists seized power in Sudan and their cohorts had attempted coups in Algeria and Egypt as well. But more importantly, ragtag Afghan Islamist armies eventually defeated the Soviet Union there, and built a very successful propaganda campaign (though undoubtedly not entirely truthful) as a result.
But Kepel did not understand how Islamists saw their defeat and alienation from the Algerian majority, Egypt's mass arrests of terrorists or Sudan's surrender of Carlos the Jackal to the French, for criminal trial. To radicals, these were merely temporary setbacks, not the heralds of permanent defeat. Nor were they at all discouraged by the rise of Iran's so-called moderate, Mohammad Khatami (who was never moderate) or the protests of Saudi women for the right to drive cars independently.
Worse, Kepel did not understand that many Islamic scholars --- whom he and many foolhardy others presume to be "reformist" thinkers --- are themselves reputedly central figures in the Muslim Brotherhood, and in any case, fundamentalists in their own right.
Take Tariq Ramadan, the grandson of MB founder Hassan al-Banna, whose visa application the U.S. State Department twice, correctly, rejected [before finally caving in early January 2010.] Kepel accepts him as the "reformer" he pretends to be. But this is utter nonsense.
As J.C. Brissard recently noted on the Terror Finance Blog, ample evidence suggests Ramadan has links to terror. A 1999 Spanish police General Directorate memo, for example, stated that Ahmed Brahim --- who last April received a 10 year sentence for incitement to terrorism --- maintained "regular contacts with important figures of radical Islam such as Tariq Ramadan."
Likewise, Djamel Beghal --- sentenced to 10 years in March 2005 for participating in a foiled attack on the US Embassy in Paris --- in September 2001 aligned his religious "engagement" to the 1994 time when "he was in charge of writing the statements of Tariq Ramadan." Beghal later said he had also "attended the courses given by Tarek Ramadan." And "brothers Hani and Tariq Ramadan," according to a 2001 Swiss intelligence memo, together planned a 1991 Geneva meeting between Al Qaeda leader Ayman Al Zawahiri and Omar Abdel Rahman, mastermind of the 1993 World Trade Center attack. This was confirmed by the member of a Geneva mosque, who heard Hani Ramadan announce the upcoming meeting.
While Kepel conducted extensive and sometimes useful research, his conclusions are unreal.
--Alyssa A. Lappen
7 people found this helpful
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Top reviews from other countries
CCJL2
5.0 out of 5 stars
Excellent
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on December 31, 2018Verified Purchase
Excellent
Jan Asbjoern Opsal
4.0 out of 5 stars
but still very useful with its combination of area focus and chronological perspective ...
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on September 11, 2014Verified Purchase
An old e4dition, but still very useful with its combination of area focus and chronological perspective on the development of Political Islam in a formative period for the phenomenon.
Jan Opsal, Professor
Jan Opsal, Professor
R. Packham
5.0 out of 5 stars
Thought provoking
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on June 27, 2009Verified Purchase
I would recommend this thought provoking book for those looking for a greater understanding of political Islam
One person found this helpful
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Splisbury
4.0 out of 5 stars
A serious historical non partisan view of Political Islams history
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on October 21, 2009Verified Purchase
This book covers the evolution of numerous Islamist/Jihadist groups over the last century. Kepel writes from a historical sociopolitical perspective analysing many of the Islamic movements resulting from population growths, agrarian reform and urban shifts, with the development of Pious Intelligentsia that gradually formed during the Arab Nationalist phase. They gradually commandeered the political agenda away from a secular platform to a religious one.
Chapters include fairly basic historical overviews of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and its clash with Nassers oppressive policies. The influence of Sayed Qutb and more critically the intellectual issues he left unresolved are very interesting reading, since much of Jihadi ideology is a continuation of his intellectual theories. The influence of Ayatollah Khomeini and the effects of the Iranian revolution is likewise highly relevant to an understanding of the political changes of the last 30 years.
Where Kepels book is of great use is in giving relatively brief but helpful insights into the different paths of Islamists from countries such as Pakistan, Sudan, Iran and Saudi Arabia and how and why they have evolved in the way they have.
What the book lacks is an analysis of the Wests role in assisting these Islamists come to power, their relations ( with the exception of the USA assisting the Anti Soviet Afghan Jihad ). Also important are the effects of Israel on Middle Eastern politics, which is notable for its absence, and the title Jihad does not really match up with the content of the book which makes few references to why there are Jihadist ideologies abound today. Indeed there is barely a single reference to the Quran which is also surprising, since must Western vitriol is vented at passages in the Quran, whilst much Jihadi ideology of the extreme fringe often refers to similarly lesser known scripts. The first Sura of the Quran - the Cow- also the longest Sura refers to Christians, Jews and Sabians as all people of God, who if good will receive their rewards from God. indeed that all share the same God. It refers to exterminating Polytheists in the context of being persecuted by them, and therefore needing to take extreme measures. However in the first Sura alone is repeated the refrain to not overstep the mark in such matters, and there is a clear reference to not taking ones own life.
Finally another shortcoming I feel is the lack of reference to the effects of the collapse of the Soviet Union on the Political landscape of the Middle East, which after all underlied much Western thinking in backing Islam as an anti-Soviet bulwark in the first place.
Where the book is very good is in definitions of recent Islamic developments. A definition of Takfirists - those who are self-appointed excommunicators of other groups of Muslims is helpfully explained, and all throughout the sociological dimensions of political inequality and class differences of the various countries under scrutiny are highly revealing. Al Qaeda and OBL also have an interesting chapter dedicated them.
I would say this is a serious book on an issue which has been treated with appalling crassness by rabble rousing writers ( and book reviewers! in recent years, and though a little dated, will give a serious reader of recent political history, many useful insights into the tumultuous changes of the Post Soviet Middle East.
His final analysis is that Islamism is disfigured and discredited by the extreme violence that has been perpetrated in its name. The Islamic Revolution of Iran is cited as a case in point. He refers to many Islamists who are looking towards a parliamentary democracy as a more 'Islamic' mode of governance, than the centuries of endured dictatorship. With the failed nationalist models of the 60's, and in Kepels view, the discredited radical Islam beyond that, it may very well be that a Post-Islamic era will indeed usher in an era of moderating Islamic reforms.
Chapters include fairly basic historical overviews of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and its clash with Nassers oppressive policies. The influence of Sayed Qutb and more critically the intellectual issues he left unresolved are very interesting reading, since much of Jihadi ideology is a continuation of his intellectual theories. The influence of Ayatollah Khomeini and the effects of the Iranian revolution is likewise highly relevant to an understanding of the political changes of the last 30 years.
Where Kepels book is of great use is in giving relatively brief but helpful insights into the different paths of Islamists from countries such as Pakistan, Sudan, Iran and Saudi Arabia and how and why they have evolved in the way they have.
What the book lacks is an analysis of the Wests role in assisting these Islamists come to power, their relations ( with the exception of the USA assisting the Anti Soviet Afghan Jihad ). Also important are the effects of Israel on Middle Eastern politics, which is notable for its absence, and the title Jihad does not really match up with the content of the book which makes few references to why there are Jihadist ideologies abound today. Indeed there is barely a single reference to the Quran which is also surprising, since must Western vitriol is vented at passages in the Quran, whilst much Jihadi ideology of the extreme fringe often refers to similarly lesser known scripts. The first Sura of the Quran - the Cow- also the longest Sura refers to Christians, Jews and Sabians as all people of God, who if good will receive their rewards from God. indeed that all share the same God. It refers to exterminating Polytheists in the context of being persecuted by them, and therefore needing to take extreme measures. However in the first Sura alone is repeated the refrain to not overstep the mark in such matters, and there is a clear reference to not taking ones own life.
Finally another shortcoming I feel is the lack of reference to the effects of the collapse of the Soviet Union on the Political landscape of the Middle East, which after all underlied much Western thinking in backing Islam as an anti-Soviet bulwark in the first place.
Where the book is very good is in definitions of recent Islamic developments. A definition of Takfirists - those who are self-appointed excommunicators of other groups of Muslims is helpfully explained, and all throughout the sociological dimensions of political inequality and class differences of the various countries under scrutiny are highly revealing. Al Qaeda and OBL also have an interesting chapter dedicated them.
I would say this is a serious book on an issue which has been treated with appalling crassness by rabble rousing writers ( and book reviewers! in recent years, and though a little dated, will give a serious reader of recent political history, many useful insights into the tumultuous changes of the Post Soviet Middle East.
His final analysis is that Islamism is disfigured and discredited by the extreme violence that has been perpetrated in its name. The Islamic Revolution of Iran is cited as a case in point. He refers to many Islamists who are looking towards a parliamentary democracy as a more 'Islamic' mode of governance, than the centuries of endured dictatorship. With the failed nationalist models of the 60's, and in Kepels view, the discredited radical Islam beyond that, it may very well be that a Post-Islamic era will indeed usher in an era of moderating Islamic reforms.
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Caped Crusader
3.0 out of 5 stars
The Pen Is Mightier Than The Sword
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on June 12, 2010Verified Purchase
In this interesting and detailed work, the renowned French expert on radical Islam, Gilles Kepel, attempts to document the brief history of "political Islam"; those within the Islamic faith who believe all states should be governed according to
Shari'ah
(Islamic law), with a view to the restoration of the Caliphate (Islamic pope). In other words, those who have come to be known as extremists, radicals or terrorists. The first half of the book deals with Islamism's rise and history, the second half deals with its demise.
The ideological movement began to grow when one of its key exponents, Sayyed Qutb, was hanged in Egypt on August 29th 1966. Although the execution of the Muslim Brotherhood's most important thinker was soon forgotten, by the end of the next decade his writings had become a potent force in Egypt and elsewhere. This rise came along with one of the key events in modern Middle Eastern history: the Saudi oil-embargo of the West following the 1973 Arab-Israeli war.
With the price of oil rising rapidly giving the Saudis colossal revenues, the puritanical Wahabbi state set about spreading its influence, building thousands of mosques and distributing thousands of free copies of the Koran. From the rice fields of Indonesia, to the plains of Africa to the high rise housing projects of European cities, the same Korans and the same cassettes were available from one end of the Islamic world to the other.
Along with the Saudi rise were the teachings of several other ideologues in key geographical locations: Ayatollah Khomeini in Iran, Mawlani Mawdudi in Pakistan and the popular figure in Malaysia, Anwar Ibrahim.
Kepel deftly shows how the ideologues' disciples went about changing societies, implying interesting insights about the Muslim mindset along the way. The strongest parts of this book are the descriptions of the inner-workings of the Muslim states, as the leaders devised a precarious game establishing councils of clerics (ulema), in a bid for credibility, but also to keep a close eye on them seeing as the first threat to any regime would come from the religious councils (keep your friends close and your enemies closer?). Also of central importance to the Islamists are the universities ; always targeted for the purposes of controlling consensus and eventually public opinion (something we in the West would do well to pay closer attention to).
Extracting and looking at Political Islamism in isolation (of the theological aspects) allows Kepel to get on with charting the relationships between the radicals, the populous and leaderships. This is, in essence, a kind of sociological macro and micro-economic look at radical Islam; no small feat, but Kepel pulls this off coolly and convincingly. For this alone the book merits serious study.
But there are downsides and they are numerous. These downsides are Kepel's spin on many areas and his overall conclusions. Quite amazingly, they would appear to be because they are outside Kepel's immediate sphere of study. I wasn't able to think of a better reason to explain this contrast.
The central thesis of Political Islam's demise, after an initial surge, looks more and more implausible with each emerging story of al Qaeda's expansion; whether to Yemen, or through Central Africa, Pakistan to Central Asia and Western China. The recent coup in Kyrgyzstan leading to fertile ground for the likes of al Qaeda to flourish (if they hadn't actually created the unrest in the first place); then there's his descriptions of Turkey, or with the ailing health of Egypt's dictator Hosni Mubarak, it's time to re-read our books about the '56 Suez war to know how valuable a target that country will be.
And Iran is another chapter altogether...
There are lesser errors as well. Kepel describes Hezbollah, the Iranian terrorist proxy in Lebanon, as 'almost a charity now'. The 2006 Israel/Hezbollah war put such baseless assessments to rest. Former Pakistani leader General Pervez Musharaf is labelled 'progressive', which Ahmed Rashid convincingly contests and a whole lot more.
But the single biggest howler must be awarded to Kepel's patronage and idolising of Tariq Ramadan , a young Muslim 'intellectual' who has long been exposed for saying one thing in French (or English) and quite another in Arabic. Banned from the US for having ties to terror organisations, he is also the grandson of the Muslim Brotherhood founder, Hassan al-Banna. From all accounts, it seems Ramadan's ultimate aims are no different to his ideological and biological predecessor.
Kepel believes Ramadan's carefully crafted writings and hails him as the leader of this 'emerging post-Islamist movement'.
Despite the wildly varying quality of Kepel's writing, the strengths of his research merit a read and do contribute, if you can get passed the insultingly baseless analysis.
As other reviewers have noted this is not an introduction. This is a book more suited to those with a basic knowledge of Islam, and a good grounding in the history of the regions and terrorist groups.
The ideological movement began to grow when one of its key exponents, Sayyed Qutb, was hanged in Egypt on August 29th 1966. Although the execution of the Muslim Brotherhood's most important thinker was soon forgotten, by the end of the next decade his writings had become a potent force in Egypt and elsewhere. This rise came along with one of the key events in modern Middle Eastern history: the Saudi oil-embargo of the West following the 1973 Arab-Israeli war.
With the price of oil rising rapidly giving the Saudis colossal revenues, the puritanical Wahabbi state set about spreading its influence, building thousands of mosques and distributing thousands of free copies of the Koran. From the rice fields of Indonesia, to the plains of Africa to the high rise housing projects of European cities, the same Korans and the same cassettes were available from one end of the Islamic world to the other.
Along with the Saudi rise were the teachings of several other ideologues in key geographical locations: Ayatollah Khomeini in Iran, Mawlani Mawdudi in Pakistan and the popular figure in Malaysia, Anwar Ibrahim.
Kepel deftly shows how the ideologues' disciples went about changing societies, implying interesting insights about the Muslim mindset along the way. The strongest parts of this book are the descriptions of the inner-workings of the Muslim states, as the leaders devised a precarious game establishing councils of clerics (ulema), in a bid for credibility, but also to keep a close eye on them seeing as the first threat to any regime would come from the religious councils (keep your friends close and your enemies closer?). Also of central importance to the Islamists are the universities ; always targeted for the purposes of controlling consensus and eventually public opinion (something we in the West would do well to pay closer attention to).
Extracting and looking at Political Islamism in isolation (of the theological aspects) allows Kepel to get on with charting the relationships between the radicals, the populous and leaderships. This is, in essence, a kind of sociological macro and micro-economic look at radical Islam; no small feat, but Kepel pulls this off coolly and convincingly. For this alone the book merits serious study.
But there are downsides and they are numerous. These downsides are Kepel's spin on many areas and his overall conclusions. Quite amazingly, they would appear to be because they are outside Kepel's immediate sphere of study. I wasn't able to think of a better reason to explain this contrast.
The central thesis of Political Islam's demise, after an initial surge, looks more and more implausible with each emerging story of al Qaeda's expansion; whether to Yemen, or through Central Africa, Pakistan to Central Asia and Western China. The recent coup in Kyrgyzstan leading to fertile ground for the likes of al Qaeda to flourish (if they hadn't actually created the unrest in the first place); then there's his descriptions of Turkey, or with the ailing health of Egypt's dictator Hosni Mubarak, it's time to re-read our books about the '56 Suez war to know how valuable a target that country will be.
And Iran is another chapter altogether...
There are lesser errors as well. Kepel describes Hezbollah, the Iranian terrorist proxy in Lebanon, as 'almost a charity now'. The 2006 Israel/Hezbollah war put such baseless assessments to rest. Former Pakistani leader General Pervez Musharaf is labelled 'progressive', which Ahmed Rashid convincingly contests and a whole lot more.
But the single biggest howler must be awarded to Kepel's patronage and idolising of Tariq Ramadan , a young Muslim 'intellectual' who has long been exposed for saying one thing in French (or English) and quite another in Arabic. Banned from the US for having ties to terror organisations, he is also the grandson of the Muslim Brotherhood founder, Hassan al-Banna. From all accounts, it seems Ramadan's ultimate aims are no different to his ideological and biological predecessor.
Kepel believes Ramadan's carefully crafted writings and hails him as the leader of this 'emerging post-Islamist movement'.
Despite the wildly varying quality of Kepel's writing, the strengths of his research merit a read and do contribute, if you can get passed the insultingly baseless analysis.
As other reviewers have noted this is not an introduction. This is a book more suited to those with a basic knowledge of Islam, and a good grounding in the history of the regions and terrorist groups.
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